
Class _Si^^i/ 
CopyrightN^ 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSnV 



University of Michigan 
HISTORICAL STUDIES 

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THB 
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 



ENGLISH 

RULE IN GASCONY 



1199-1259 



WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE TOWNS 



By 



FRANK BURR MARSH, Ph.D. 

INSTRUCTOR IN HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS 



ANN ARBOR, MICHIGAN 

GiRORGE WAHR 
1912 



>^^^ 



Copyright, 1912 

By 

FRANK BURR MARSH 






THE ANN ARBOR PRESS 
PRINTERS 



PREFATORY NOTE 

In its original form this study was presented in partial fulfilment 
of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the 
University of Michigan. It has since been considerably extended 
and much recast, owing to the appearance of additional volumes in 
the Rolls series. 

My thanks are due to Professor E. W. Dow and Professor A. 
L. Cross of the University of Michigan for much invaluable assist- 
ance. 

Frank B. Marsh 
Austin, Texas 



CONTENTS 



Introduction 



CHAPTER I 

JOHN AND THE TOWNS 

Death of Richard. Disputed succession. Attitude of the Gascon towns 
and policy of John. Claims of Castile. Attack of Philip on Poitou 
and of Alfonso on Gascony. Attitude of the towns. Privileges and 
concessions granted by John. ....... i 

CHAPTER n 

THE BEGINNING OE THE REIGN OF HENRY III, 1216-1220 

Difficulties of the English government after the death of John. First 
measures of the regency. Bankruptcy of the government. Dangers 
in Gascony. Weakness of the seneschal. Anarchy in Gascony and 
Poitou. Marriage of Isabella. Quarrel with Hugh of La Marche. 
Attempts of towns and church to maintain peace. Position of towns 
as supporters of the royal power. Concessions to them. Danger in 
France , . . . .18 

CHAPTER HI 

THE ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII, 1221-1227 

Continued Anarchy in Gascony and Poitou. Accession of Louis VIII. 
He renews the war. Conquest of Poitou. Attitude of the towns. 
Concessions to the towns. Attack on Gascony. Bordeaux checks 
the French advance. Castles intrusted to the towns. Expedition of 
Richard of Cornwall. Recovery of Gascony. Failure in Poitou. 
Part played by the towns in the campaigns. . . . -35 



vi ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

CHAPTER IV 

GASCONY IN 1227-1230 AND HENRY'S FIRST EXPEDITION 
AGAINST POITOU 

Administration of Henry de Trubleville. His relations with the nobles 
and the towns. Parties in the towns, their origin and character. 
Expedition of Henry against Poitou, in 1230. Support given by the 
towns, military and financial. , 56 

CHAPTER V 

PARTY STRUGGLES IN THE TOWNS 

Condition of the province. Vivona as seneschal. Difficulties of his 
position. Colombines in power at Bordeaux. Trubleville restored as 
seneschal. Collision with the Colombines at Bordeaux. Soler party 
restored to power there. Increased tranquillity. Dependence of the 
government on the townspeople in time of peace. ... 70 

CHAPTER VI 

HENRY'S iSECOND EXPEDITION AGAINST POITOU, 1242 

Henry renews the war with France. Defeat at Taillebourg. Financial 
and military aid given by the towns during the campaign. Conces- 
sions to the townspeople. Loans of the Colombines to the king. 
They regain power in Bordeaux. Henry remains in Gascony. Con- 
tinued loans by townspeople. .86 

CHAPTER VII 

MUNICIPAL CHANGES AT DAX AND BAYONNE, 1243 

Henry makes a tour of the south. Measures at Bayonne. Names the 
hundred peers. Reasons for this step. Reorganizes the commune at 
Dax. Character and causes of this measure. .... 103 

CHAPTER VIII 

THE DICTATORSHIP OF SIMON DE MONTFORT, 1248-1254 

Continued disorder in Gascony, Montfort despatched as dictator. 
Harsh conduct toward the nobles. Policy toward the towns. Character 
of the municipal parties. Montfort supports popular party. Riot at 
Bordeaux. Proscription of the Solers. Policy in other towns. 
Revolts of nobles and proscribed burghers. Complaints to Henry. 
Henry abandons Montfort. Renewed pretensions of Castile. Anarchy 
in Gascony following Montfort's removal. . . . . .HI 



CONTENTS vii 

CHAPTER IX 
THE ALFONIST REVOLT, 1254-1255 

Alfonso claims Gascony. Peril to the English rule. Revolt of the Gas- 
cons. Attitude of the towns. Successful campaign of Henry. Sup- 
port given him by the towns. Privileges to citizens. Treaty with 
Alfonso. Restores peace in Bordeaux and other towns. Treaty 
with France. . . . . ...... 136 

Conclusion 152 

List of Mayors of Bordeaux 157 

BiBijoc-RAPHY . . . . . . . . . . .159 

Index ............. 167 



INTRODUCTION 

Ths latter part of the twelfth century witnessed the rise of the 
house of Anjou to a position of great outward splendor and widely 
extended dominion. By a series of fortunate marriages, inheritances 
and conquests Henry II became the ruler not only of England but 
of a large part of France. During his lifetime and that of his son 
Richard, this empire resisted all the efforts of the Capetians for its 
destruction. In the reign of John, however, it gave way. Gaining 
a pretext under the feudal law, Philip Augustus declared John to 
have forfeited all his French fiefs and forthwith set about the task 
of dispossessing him of them. In no long time John had been 
driven out of all his northern possessions ; but in the south he was 
successful in resisting the French monarch's advance. Neither side 
had, therefore, been entirely successful. The English king had lost 
the north and the French king had not gained the south. For more 
than fifty years following the death of John each side made vain 
attempts to realize its entire ambition, yet the situation remained 
substantially the same ; the English king could not regain the northern 
fiefs, nor could the French expel the English from the south. At 
length in 1259 Louis IX accepted these results and signed a treaty 
recognizing the continued sovereignty of the English king in Gas- 
cony. 

At first sight it might seem that the territories which the 
Plantagenets retained were those on which they had the weakest 
hold. Normandy had been united with the English crown much 



X BNGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

longer than Gascony; the Norman and the English baronage had 
been closely allied since the days of the Conqueror; and the control 
of the central government had been much better organized and firmer 
in the north than in the south. Yet Normandy was conquered by 
the French, who nevertheless failed in repeated attempts to win 
Gascony. 

The explanations of this fact which have been offered do not 
seem wholly satisfactory. It is true that the people of the south 
felt little sympathy for those of the north, and that a wide difference 
in temperament, speech, manners and culture existed between them. 
To the Gascon the Norman and Parisian seemed aliens and foreign- 
ers ; but was not this true in a greater degree of the Englishman ? 
The personal influence of John's mother Eleanor certainly counted 
for much, representing as she did the old line of the dukes of Aqui- 
taine, but Henry III was equally successful in maintaining his author- 
ity against the French and this at a time when Eleanor was but a 
memory. It has been suggested that the restless and turbulent Gascon 
lords preferred the distant and feeble king of England to the king of 
France, powerful and near at hand, Gascony had however a third 
claimant in the king of Castile, who though only across the Pyre- 
nees was too much occupied in Spain to be likely to govern strongly 
in any part of France. Why should he not have been considered 
an equally convenient overlord? So indeed he was by at least a 
large number of the Gascon nobles, who supported an attempt to en- 
force his claims. It has likewise been pointed out that there were 
strong commercial ties binding the Gascon towns to England. Cer- 
tain it is that Gascon wine found a ready market across the channel 
and the desire to retain that market would tend strongly to keep the 
citizens of Bordeaux and Bayonne loyal to the English crown. Yet, 
after all, in what way and to what degree did such ties exist ? How 
much and what sort of a role did the towns have in maintaining Eng- 
lish rule in Gascony? 



INTRODUCTION xi 

It is especially to this last side of the problem that the following 
study is devoted. The aim here then is to trace in detail the rule 
of the English government in southwestern France so far as it 
affected or dealt with the townspeople, and to see what was their 
attitude toward it, and what part they played in its maintenance. 
The feudal nobility will be dealt with only incidentally. In point of 
time that period only will be treated when the continuance of English 
authority was most seriously in question. This will give as limits 
the years 1199 and 1259. The death of Richard, in the former, marks 
the disruption of the Angevin empire. From the time of John's 
accession Gascony was menaced on the one side by France and on 
the other by Castile. Throughout the earlier part of Henry's reign 
the English supremacy was almost continually threatened. It was 
not until the treaty with Alfonso X in 1254 had removed him from 
the contest, and the treaty with Louis IX in 1259 had settled the 
French claims that the English could be said to have enjoyed an 
authority undisputed by the neighboring monarchs.^ 

^ In the following study the term Gascony 'has been somewhat loosely; 
used to designate the possessions of the English king in southern France. 
In strictness these possessions consisted, after the losses of John, of the 
duchy of Gascony proper and certain portions of Poitou. 



CHAPTER I 

JOHN AND THE TOWNS 

Death of Richard. Disputed succession. Attitude of the Gascon towns and 
policy of John. Claims of Castile. Attack of Philip on Poitou and of 
Alfonso on Gascony. Attitude of the towns. Privileges and concessions 
granted by John. 

The death of Richard shook the ill-compacted Angevin empire to its 
foundations. Not only did it place upon the throne one unable to 
hold his own in the perpetual struggle with Philip Augustus, but it 
raised immediately a question of succession. Richard being dead, 
should the crown pass to John or to Arthur ? This was the problem 
which pressed for solution. Richard, himself, had on his deathbed 
recognized John as his successor,^ and this seems to have secured 
him the support of the ruling officials.^ John's claims were also 
supported by his mother Eleanor, whose rights in Aquitaine none 
could dispute. So England obeyed the royal officers and Aquitaine 
followed the duchess and accepted John without serious question ; 
but Anjou, Maine, Touraine and Brittany declared for Arthur, 
who had, moreover, the powerful support of John's ever-watchful 
antagonist Philip 11. John, who was in Brittany at the time of 
Richard's death, hastened north to secure Normandy and England, 
leaving his mother to hold the south for him. In the midst of this 
crisis the obvious policy, for both John and his mother, was to be 

^Ramsay, Angevin Empire, 365. 
'Ibid., 378. 



2 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

conciliatory, to seek to win as much support as possible in the regions 
which John sought to rule. 

In Gascony the reigns of Henry II and Richard had, apparently, 
seen a considerable development in the prosperity and power of the 
towns. To Henry, indeed, has been attributed the grant of a char- 
ter to the commune of Bordeaux in 1173. Though this is almost 
certainly a mistake,^ there is little doubt that a commune developed 
there during his reign, apparently without opposition ; for it was 
certainly in existence by the death of Richard. The same thing may 
also be said of Bayonne, which not only developed a communal or- 
ganization but secured various commercial privileges. These go 
back to the time of William IX, last independent Duke of Aquitaine, 
but were confirmed and extended by Richard.* At Dax Richard had 
suppressed the authority of the viscount and substituted a govern- 
ment of a capdel and twenty justiciars.^ He also granted to the 
citizens freedom from all dues {de omnimoda consuetudine) 
throughout Poitou, Aquitaine and Gascony,® a privilege which would 
seem to be merely a repetition of one accorded to Bayonne. Thus, 
by the time of John's accession the towns had made sufficient pro- 
gress to be a factor of importance among the political forces with 
which the king had to reckon. 

* The existence of this charter rests wholly on a statement of de Lurbe 
in his Chronique hourdeloise, 15. It has been fully shown, however, tihat here 
de Lurbe has attributed a charter of Henry III to Henry II : see Sansas, 
Memoires siir les Origines municipales de Bordeaux (published in the Actes 
de VAcademie de Bordeaux, 23® Annee), and Rabanis, Administration mu- 
nicipale et institutions judiciares de Bordeaux pendant le moyen age, in the 
Revue Historique de Droit Frangais et Stranger, VII (1861). 

*See Giry, £tablissements de Rouen, I, 103-5. Balasque has published 
Richard's charters in his Etudes sur Bayonne. 

" Abbadie, Le Livre noir de Dax, xxiii ; Duforcet, in tihe Bull, de la soc. 
Borda, I, 456. Duforcet finds a mayor at Dax with the title of capdel as 
early as 1189 (Bull, de la soc. Borda, I, 458). 

* Le Livre noir, 178. The document occurs in a vidimus of 1294. 



JOHN AND THE TOWNS 3 

The feudal nobles of the south were always a turbulent and law- 
less body and both Henry II and Richard had been forced to fight 
vigorously against them. It was, perhaps, in the midst of these 
struggles that the communes had been founded, and possibly the kings 
had favored them with the deliberate aim of creating some counter- 
poise to the feudality, lay or ecclesiastical. Though the nobles 
showed little disposition to favor the cause of Arthur, we can scarcely 
suppose them wholly passive spectators, especially when, it would 
seem, the church set them an example of lawlessness. At a later 
date, at any rate, serious charges relating to this time were brought 
against the archbishop of Bordeaux, and in 1204 Innocent III ordered 
an investigation of the accusation that on the death of Richard this 
eminent churchman had seized the fortified places, prevented the in- 
habitants from leaving, and committed many grievous crimes.'^ These 
charges would seem^ to have considerable justification, and we may 
well believe that the example of an archbishop who allied himself 
with the mercenary troops and allowed them to ransom the clergy 
was but too well imitated by the lay nobility. In any case, it was not 
a favorable moment for an energetic policy toward the nobles, who 
do not seem to have openly questioned Eleanor's authority or John's 
succession. The wisest course must have seemed to rest content 
with that for the moment and to attempt to secure a more stable 
support in the rising municipalities. 

The towns, apparently, saw their opportunity for the crisis was 
fruitful of concessions. At La Rochelle all the liberties of the com- 
mune were confirmed.® Niort, St. Jean-d'Angely and Oleron receiv- 
ed communal charters, some of them, perhaps, for the first time.^'* 

' Calendar of Papal Registers : Papal Letters, 1, 16. 
*From the picture of the archbishop's condiuct, drawn by Richard, His- 
toire des Comtes de Poitou, II, 446. 
" Giry, Rtab., I, 68. 
^^ Ibid., 89, 239, 294. 



4 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

At Saintes the commune was not only confirmed but the fitablisse- 
ments of Rouen, then in force at La Rochelle, were extended to it.^^ 
In Gascony, also, extensive favors were granted. Thus one of the 
first acts of Eleanor was to issue a charter suppressing certain duties 
levied by Richard at Bordeaux.^^ This concession to the merchants — 
for so we must regard it — John confirmed from England.^^ On the 
same day he also confirmed another grant of Eleanor's by which she 
^ had declared that a mint should be maintained at Bordeaux." In 
addition to such concessions to the commune John conferred upon 
Elias Viger, a prominent citizen of Bordeaux, a placia in that city, 
adjoining one which king Richard had given to his two brothers. 
Likewise the king took the burgher and his goods under the royal 
protection and gave him commercial privileges in Poitou.^^ At St. 
fimilion the citizens received a charter confirming their commune 
with all its rights and hberties.^^ At Dax, if we may trust the chroni- 
cler, John confirmed all privileges.^^ At Bayonne he granted a rev- 
enue of 50 pounds a year to Vitalus de Viele, to be paid from dues on 
whales.^^ Such favors, it would seem, helped John through the 
crisis over the Angevin inheritance. His success was 'for the 
moment complete, Gascony was quiet, passively loyal at least. Nor- 
mandy and England recognized him without serious opposition ; after 
some desultor} fighting even the feifs that had declared for Arthur 
submitted, and Philip, accepting the failure of his designs, consented 
to a treaty which recognized John as heir to all the territories of 
Richard. 

''Ibid.,S5. 

^' Livre des coutumes, 437. 

^^ Rotuli Chariarum, 4b. 

" Ibid. 

" Guadet, St. Smilion, 212. The charter is contained in a Vidimus of 1340. 
-^ " Compaigne, Chronique de la ville de Dax, 11. 

" Balasque, 6tudes, I, 450. Delpit, Notice, 125, note i. 



JOHN AND THE TOWNS 5 

John's difficulties, however, were by no means at an end. Philip 
had recognized him for the moment but was far from having aban- 
doned projects of expansion at his expense. There is no need here 
to trace in detail the impolitic actions by which John drove the 
Poitevin lords to appeal to Philip, nor the judicial proceedings by 
which, in 1202, Philip declared John's feifs on the continent forfeit- 
ed to the French crown. As a result of these developments John 
was assailed on two sides at once, by Philip in the north and by 
Castile in the south. The trouble with France was simply a new 
phase of the old rivalry between the Capetians and the Plantagenets. 
That with Castile sprang from one of the many royal intermarriages. 
Alfonse VIII of that country had married Eleanor, a sister of John, 
and now, doubtless emboldened by John's entanglement with France, 
advanced a claim to Gascony, which he declared had been promised 
him by Henry II as a dowry.^^ John not unnaturally refused to 
concede any such claim, and, to counterbalance Alfonso's intrigue 
in the south, he concluded a treaty with Navarre, and attempted to 
injure his rival by commanding the citizens of Bayonne to abstain 
from all business dealings with the Castilians.^" Thus in 1202 John 
had before him the task of defending himself at the same time in both 
the north and the south, against both Alfonso of Castile and Philip 
of France. 

Of the two enemies the most formidable and successful was 
Philip, who by a vigorous and rapid campaign stripped John of 
his northern territories. To the victorious advance of the French 
king John offered little opposition; his forces were soon expelled 
from Anjou, Maine and Normandy. The weakness of the defense 
may have been due in part to John's insecure position in Gascony. 
That many of the southern nobles favored Alfonso was shortly to be 
made plainly evident, and John may very well have had a perception 

" Abbadie, Livre noir, xxiv. 
^"Ryimer, Poedera, I, 127. 



6 ENGLISH RULB IN GASCONY 

of the fact. But although he did not take the field against his foes 
with energy, he showered concessions on the towns. Evidently the 
less he could depend upon the nobles the more necessary it became 
to gain the burghers. To the citizens of Dax he granted, with praises 
for their loyalty, the right to carry on commerce in his dominions 
freely and without hindrance upon the payment of the customary 
dues.^^ In Bordeaux John gave his royal protection to the person and 
merchandise of Elias Viger, and added to this the special privilege of 
carrying 300 tonelli of wine to any part of his dominion, by land or 
by sea, free from all duties saving only the liberties of London. ^^ 
That the Vigers were an influential family at Bordeaux there can be 
no doubt, and the concessions to Elias look very like an attempt to 
keep the town loyal by conciliating prominent citizens, doubtless those 
powerful in the commune. Apparently following this same policy, 
John granted favors to another influential family. On June 23 he 
gave to William Raymond Colom and his brother Amaneus the right, 
upon the payment of the proper dues, to travel and transact business 
throughout his dominion. Further than this he conceded to William 
the right to carry one shipload of wine or salt to any part of his 
territories free from all royal duties, a privilege which was to hold 
good for four years,^^ It was doubtless an extension of the same 
policy to other towns that led John to grant letters of protection to 
Marcus Sturmin,^* merchant of St. ;fimilion, as well as to Raymond 

""■Rot. litt. pat., sb. 

'^^ Rot. chartarum, 112 b. 

'^ Rot. litt. pat., 31. The family name of the brothers is not given, in the 
document; they are designated simply as William Raymond and Amaneus 
his brother. Since, however, we know that in Bordeaux there was a William 
Raj'mond Colom who had a brother Amaneus and that they were wine mer- 
chants, the identification is not difficult. The Coloms were, as we shall abun- 
dantly see, a very powerful and wealthy family and destined to play a great 
part in the affairs of Bordeaux (see Close Rolls, 1227-1231, p. 142). 

"^Rot. litt. pat., 25. 



JOHN AND THB TOWNS 7 

de Pins and his son Senebrunnus, who appear to have been mer- 
chants of La Reole.^^ 

By these concessions John seemed striving to win the towns to 
his support. In the next year their loyalty was put to a decided 
test. Philip, having conquered Normandy, now turned southward 
and formed a combination with Alfonso of Castile.^® The Spaniard 
was to seize Gascony while Philip took Poitou. 

The French king's part of the bargain was loyally fulfilled. 
Poitou was easily and swiftly taken. Some even of John's newly 
chartered communes, such as St. Jean-d'Angely, turned against him 
at the critical moment and went over to Philip.^'^ The nobles, or at 
least some of the more important of them, as the viscount of Thouars, 
were won over to the French cause.^® In spite of the favorable re- 
ception which Philip received, he did not advance beyond Poitou, 
perhaps because of his engagements with Alfonso, perhaps because 
in Gascony the archbishop of Bordeaux, having gathered a consid-l 
erable force, stood loyal to England.^'' 

If John did little in the field to oppose his rival, be continued 
his favors to Elias Viger, conferring on him an estate at Beggles 
which Richard had given to a man named Chitre. The ambitious 
burgher, wrongly representing Chitre as dead, induced the king to 
transfer the estate to him as a hereditary possession, for which he 
was to pay a sore-hawk annually.^** Nor did John interfere when 
the citizens of Bayonne negotiated a commercial treaty with Sancho 
of Navarre by which they secured full right to trade in that 

''Ibid., 33. 

"^ Balasque, Etudes, I, 320-2. Richard, Histoire des comtes de Poitou, . 

II, 454- 

^' Giry, Sitah., I, 294. 

^ Richard, Histoire, II, 452. 

^"Ibid., 454- 

^ Rot, chartarum, 135. 



8 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

kingdom.^^ Perhaps he was willing enough to see the city bound by 
close commercial ties to his ally against Castile. 

The following year, 1205, might seem a crisis in the fate of 
John's continental possessions. Philip reduced all of Poitou except 
Niort and La Rochelle^- and Alfonso invaded Gascony. The chief 
support of the English cause was, as has been indicated, the arch- 
bishop of Bordeaux, Helie de Malmort. Acting for the king, he had 
assembled troops in the south and established himself firmly at Bor- 
deaux. In June of 1204 he had gone to England to arrange measures 
of defense with the king and John had granted him a subsidy of 
28,000 marks of silver. With this support his brother, who was in 
actual command of the troops, continued to augment his force of 
mercenaries while the archbishop himself remained in England as 
a hostage. '^^ Yet while thus endeavoring to strengthen his army 
John did not abandon his policy of granting favors to the towns- 
people, and accorded privileges to Oleron aqd La Rochelle, perhaps, 
as a means of holding them against the French.^* 

The chief danger for the moment came from the side of Castile. 
Alfonso's attempt on Gascony had been well prepared and a charter 
of October 25, 1204, affords us a glimpse of the intrigues he was. 
carrying on behind the scenes. The charter in question was drawn 
up at San Sebastian and is dated in Spanish style. It contains a gift 
of certain serfs to the bishop of Dax and is witnessed by the bishop 
of Bayonne, the count of Armagnac, the viscounts of Beam, Tartas, 
and Orthez."^ This gift, thus witnessed in Spain, would indicate 
that the leading seigneurs of the south, ecclesiastical as well as 

" Giry, &tah., Pieces, II, -76. 

'^Norgate, lohn Lackland, 113 and also note 6. 

''Richard, Histoire, II, 445-48. However, Davis, England under Nor- 
mans and Angevins, 345, regards the amount (given by Coggeshall) as pre- 
posterous. 

'*Giry, £tab., I, 69, 90. 

'' Balasque, Etudes, I, 321. 



JOHN AND THE TOWNS 9 

secular, were prepared tO' support Alfonso. He, therefore, had little 
to fear from them when, in 1205, he crossed the border. 

Once in Gascony the Spaniard turned his attention first to Bay- 
onne. The bishop favored him ; but the burghers closed the gates of 
their city and remained loyal to the English king. Turning aside 
from Bayonne, Alfonso found a welcome in Beam and thence pro- 
ceeded north in triumph till he reached La Reole, where he again 
found the city true to John. Learning that Bordeaux would take 
the same attitude, he advanced no farther, but after some delay, re- 
crossed the Pyrenees, having ranged under him — if we may trust \ 
Balasque's version of a Spanish chronicler — all Gascony except ^ 
Bordeaux, La Reole and Bayonne. 

The Spanish success, however, was as transitory as it was easy. 
The next year (1206) John took the field in person with such forces 
as he could muster,^^ and attempted to regain the ground that had 
been lost. It was soon evident that Alfonso's conquest had no solid 
foundation. The chief communes were loyal to John and some of 
the nobles now rallied to his cause.^'^ Of the rest even those who had 
welcomed the Spaniard were little disposed to fight for him, and he 
himself seems to have done little to support his cause. John was 
therefore able to crush the opposition in Gascony, to regain some of 
the lost ground, and to conclude with Philip a truce leaving what 
he had thus retaken in his hands. ^^ 

In this struggle the attitude of the towns was clearly of great im- 
portance tO' John. Had they yielded to the Spaniard any attempt 
at reconquest would have been enormously more difficult. While 
they remained loyal not only were they a center round 
which John's partisans could rally but they rendered it an easy mat- 
ter to land troops at any time within the province. The conduct of 

'"Ibid., II, 333. 

^''Norgate, John Lackland, 114. 

''Ihid., 1 16-17. 



lo BNGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

the king showed that he was well aware of their importance and 
meant to keep them loyal to himself if possible. Threatened by 
Prance and Spain at once he granted new concessions. One might 
almost trace the progress of the invaders by the letters patent of 
John. It was, indeed, no more than a continuation of the policy 
he had followed from the beginning of his reign. 

Among the concessions granted during the pressure of the double 
peril we may note the following. At Bayonne he issued letters 
patent taking the citizens imder his royal protection and granting 
them the right to come and go as they would in his dominions and to 
transact business anywhere upon the payment of the proper dues.^^ 
He further took the persons and property of two Bayonnese mer- 
chants*" under his special protection, and paid certain debts to the 
sailors of that town.*^ At Bordeaux he granted more extensive 
privileges. First he accorded to his faithful and well beloved citizens 
{dilectis et Melibus nostris probis hominibus nostris, etc.) exemption 
from all royal dues for their merchandise both at Bordeaux itself 
and throughout the region of the Gironde.*^ He also, at the request 
of the citizens, made or sanctioned certain changes in the laws 
governing the inheritance of property, and furthermore accorded 
them the right to receive strangers into the commune after they had 
resided in the town for one month. This last privilege he expressly 
■declared was to be granted for such time as the citizens should 
remain loyal. At La Reole he assisted certain merchants, possibly 
influential ones, to collect a debt from the merchants of Dieppe by 
■seizing the property of the latter in his dominions. No sooner was 
jhis truce with France concluded than he extended to the Reolese the 

^^Rot. lilt, pat., 49. 
'"Ibid., 48b. 

'"■Rot. lift, claus., I, 48b. 
*^ Rot. chart arum, i4Sb. 



JOHN AND THE TOWNS ii 

same commercial privileges that were already enjoyed by the Bor- 
delais.^^ 

The success which attended this policy of conciliating the towns 
we have already seen. But here an obvious query suggests itself. 
If favors alone were necessary why was it that John could not win 
the support of all the towns ? Why could he not hold Poitou as well 
as Gascony? And going further we might ask, why might not 
Alfonso win the towns as easily as John ? Surely the mere granting 
of favors could by itself never furnish the basis for an enduring 
power. Gratitude seldom seems to have counted for much in the 
politics of Gascony. Not only must the towns be in a position to 
assert themselves against the neighboring nobles but the favors must 
lie in the direction of the interests of the towns themselves. How 
little favors by themselves could accomplish is well illustrated by the 
conduct of St. Jean-d'Angely. This town, after receiving favors 
from John, deserted to Philip upon his promising to confirm its 
liberties. For John's policy to succeed the towns must have some 
interests which bound them to their protector. In the case of the 
Gascon towns such ties existed, as a glance at the commercial geo- 
graphy of the province will show. 

Commercially the great artery of Gascony was the Garonne river. 
At its mouth, commanding and concentrating the commerce of its 
upper reaches, stood Bordeaux, Above, St. Macaire, Langon, La 
Reole and Bazas sent their trade down the river through the great 
central port of the duchy. To the north on the Dordogne stood St. 
fimilion, commercially less dependent upon Bordeaux. Of course 
such towns as La Reole were so situated that their trade could easily 
flow toward northern France on the one hand, and toward Toulouse 
on the other. This may in part explain the uncertain loyalty of some 
of them to the English cause. But England, in any case, offered a 

^Archives de la Gironde, I, 298. 



12 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



Tiear and profitable market for their wines. The wine trade with 
England had under the Angevins assumed large proportions. Wine 
had come to be regarded in that country as a necessity of life, and 
every year a fleet of 30 or 40 vessels sailed from Gascony laden with 
wine and returned bearing English goods.** To a considerable 
extent this wine trade was concentrated at Bordeaux and some of 
the other towns conducted their business mainly through her as a 
port. Merchants indeed of La Reole, St. Macaire, and St. fimilion 
in the thirteenth century had their names entered on the registers 
of the Guild Hall of London/^ but their wine was, in most cases, 
shipped from Bordeaux. 

Turning to the south of Gascony, we find only two towns of rea^ 
importance, Dax and Bayonne. Dax, on the upper course of the 
Adour, could send her commerce in three directions, south down the 
river to Bayonne and thence by sea, south across the Pyrenees to Na- 
varre, Castile*'' and Beam, or north to- Bordeaux.*'^ Richard had al- 
ready granted the Dacquois the right to trade throughout his possess- 
ions in Gascony.*^ These privileges had been confirmed and extended 
by John and similar ones had been granted both to La Reole and St. 
Macaire in the north. If enforced they secured to the northern towns 
their trade through Bordeaux and to Dax, hers, in both Bordeaux 
and Bayonne. But the English king was on several occasions called 
on to interfere in order to secure to these towns their rights, both 
Bayonne and Bordeaux showing a disposition to ignore them, either 
aiming at securing a monopoly for themselves or for other reasons. 

^* The specific figures are cited from Davis, England under Normans and 
Angevins. 350. The fact of a flouris'hing trade in wine is made abundantly 
clear by the numerous references to it in the rolls, many of which have been 
or will be cited. 

" Michel, Histoire du commerce de Bordeaux, I, 89-91, 92. 

*® See privilege of Ferdinand III, Livre noir, 309. 

*^ One of the old Roman roads connected Dax and Bordeaux. 

^^ The privilege, which is without date, is published by Abbadie in his 
edition of the Livre noir, 351, and dated by him about 1170. 



JOHN AND THE TOWNS 



13 



The smaller towns were thus forced either to endanger their trade 
through these ports or to adhere loyally to the power that controlled 
them. 

Bayonne was in a somewhat different case. Situated near the 
sea her commerce could go either north along the coast, or south to 
Spain, or northwest to England. That it flowed in all three direc- 
tions, we shall see. One consideration must not however be omitted, 
namely, that Bayonne was a great center of shipping. It was in her 
ships that a part, at least, of the wine of Bordeaux was sent to Eng- 
land.*'' Her navigators' association had a regular tariff of freight 
rates from Bayonne to Bordeaux, Ea Rochelle, or Oleron, and from 
La Rochelle to Flanders.^" The ships of her merchants, also, traded 
with England.^^ Thus a considerable part of Bayonnese trade was 
at the mercy of the English king both in England and at Bordeaux. 
Here, too, John had granted extensive commercial privileges, as we 
have seen. The communes in these towns were under the control 
largely, if not wholly, of the merchant body^^ and in granting these 
privileges the king may well have felt that municipal organizations 
controlled by merchants whose commerce he could injure, if he 
would, were likely to prove loyal adherents and a useful counterpoise 
to the versatile and untrustworthy nobility. 

The years from 1206 to 12 13 were years of comparative quiet 
for Gascony. John was occupied by his conflict with the papacy and 
with the growing discontent in England. On the continent, the war 
with France had been suspended by a truce and Jo'hn's diplomacy 
was constantly aimed at a reopening of the war. By the sentence of 
the French peers all John's fiefs were forfeit to the crown and with 
the expiration of the truce Philip might resume his efforts to carry 

*^Rot. litt. claus., II, 170b. Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 204. 
^"Fagniez, Documents, I, 120. 

^^ Rot. litt. claus., I, 57913, and many other references. 
^^This seems evident from the nature O'f the concessions and the gen^ 
eral part played by the communes. 



14 ENGLISH RULB IN GASCONY 

this sentence into effect. Yet for some few years the peace was main- 
tained. John was busy in England, the king of Castile made no at- 
tempt to renew his claims, and Philip Augustus was variously occu- 
pied. Hence, though both John and Philip were planning to renew 
the war at a favorable moment, as neither found the time propitious 
the truce was fairly well observed. As to the towns, either they had 
gained all they desired for the moment, or John felt it less necessary 
to conciliate them; for there are few facts of his affecting them on 
record. 

John's chief reliance for the recovery of his lost provinces was a 
great league against Philip, at the formation of which he labored 
earnestly during these years. By 12 14 this league was not only 
formed but ready to act. The plans called for a double invasion of 
France, an attack on Poitou by John and an invasion from the north 
by Otto, Holy Roman Emperor, the most important of John's allies. 
Directly the war was begun John resumed his former, policy toward 
the townspeople. No sooner had he landed at La Rochelle than he 
granted letters of protection to two merchants of Bayonne.^^ On 
April II, from St. fimilion, he granted letters patent to the citizens 
of Bordeaux. By these letters he exacted the payment of the duties 
on wine and salt brought up the Gironde to Bordeaux which had 
been in force under Richard. However, he exempted from all duty 
such wine as was brought from the vineyards of the citizens of the 
town, provided it was brought to the town for sale.^* Five days later 
the king took all the burghers of Bordeaux under his especial pro- 
tection.^^ Nor was La Reole forgotten. There John also accorded 
letters of protection to a certain Senebrunnus de Pins and his broth- 
er.^® During the year John also exacted an oath of fidelity from the 
principal burghers. 

^Rot. lift, pat., nob. 

^*Ibid., 113. 

''Ibid., 114. 

°° There are two entries. In the one the name is given Selebrunus de 



JOHN AND THE TOWNS 15 

The opening of John's campaign was successful. Though he 
brought few men with him to Gascony he was well supplied with 
money^^ and the Poitevin lords received him favorably, recognized 
his suzerainty and entered his service. He thus easily brought the 
greater part of Poitou under his nominal control. How slight his 
hold really was shortly appeared. 

Louis, Philip's son, who commanded in the south, no sooner ad- 
vanced against John than the Poitevins refused to engage in a pitch- 
ed battle, and John, fearing worse treason, hurriedly retreated.^^ A 
reason for their refusal may have been their desire not to coinmit 
themselves too deeply while the success of the emperor in the north 
was still uncertain."^ As we might expect, this discovery of the un- 
reliability of the barons threw John more than ever on the towns. 
Hardly had the king begun his retreat from the north when on July 
7, at Mansy, he solemnly confirmed the commercial privileges granted 
to Dax by his father and brother. The act was attested by the 
bishop of Dax, the viscount of Tartas, Reginald de Pons, the sene- 
schal and two citizens of Bordeaux, namely Elias Viger and Amaneus 
Colom.''° Possibl)^ these two burghers were instrumental in secur- 
ing the confirmation. At any rate, they were both in favor with the 
king; for on July 9 we find John, now at La Rochelle, authorizing 
Amaneus to hold the property of Ceroid de Mota in pawn until he 
had repaid a debt which Gerold owes him."^ Persons unpopular at 
court were not likely to be thus aided in their business transactions. 
The decisive issues oi the campaign were settled neither in Poitou 
nor Gascony. John's hopes were mainly built on the success of the 

Pons, in the other Sedebrunus de Pins. Since there was a Senebrunnus de 
Pins I have assumed that to be the correct name. Rot. lift, pat., Illb and 114. 

" Ramsay, Angevin Empire, 448-9. 

'^Ihid., 451. 

°' Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 372-3. 

"" Rot. chartarum, 199 b ; also Livre noir, 243. 

"^Rot. litt. pat., iiSb. 



1 6 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

emperor and his allies who simultaneously with his invasion of Poi- 
tou were making an attack on Philip from the north. There the 
battle of Bouvines shattered all his hopes. The best he could do 
now was to arrange a five years' truce with Philip*^^ and return to 
face the long accumulated discontent of England. 

The details of this struggle concern English rather than Gascon 
history, but in the struggle the Gascon towns seem to have played 
a part. John would appear to have relied upon them for supplies, 
especially wine for his mercenary troops, since we find in the close 
rolls numerous orders for the payment of citizens, chiefly of Bor- 
deaux, for wine,^^ and on December 24 one for one hundred marks 
to Arnold of Bayonne and others for the transportation of soldiers.'^* 
Possibly it was as a reward for such services in the way of transpor- 
tation that John on April 19, 121 5, extended to Bayonne the munic- 
ipal institutions of La Rochelle.*^^ 

When, to oppose John's foreign mercenaries, the English barons 
called in Louis of France, the situation was somewhat modified. 
Though Philip Augustus declared himself neutral, Louis received 
supplies from the continent. John might not unnaturally desire to 
cut off his rival's communications. It was doubtless with this end 
in view that he directed letters patent to^ the communal authorities 
at Bayonne {Rex XII juratis et consolatui de Bayonne) directing 
them to arm their galleys for his service in harassing his enemies.*^'' 
Certainly John must have considered this harassing of his enemies a 
matter of vital importance, for he not only sent these letters patent, 
but dispatched the archbishop of Bordeaux and the archdeacon of 
Poitou to Bayonne to urge the commune tO' carry out his orders. 

°^ Norgate, John Lackland, 205. 
^^ Rot. lift, claus., I, 193 b and 222. 
^^ Rot. litt. pat., 161. 
•^^ Balasque, Etudes, I, 362. 

^' Rot. litt. pat., 185 b; also published by OhampoUion-Figeac, Lettres de 
■rois, I, 26. 



JOHN AND THE TOWNS 17 

Whether the citizens of Bayonne obeyed the king in this or not, 
the time seemed to them favorable fo'r concessions. They petitioned 
John for exemptions from all tolls and customs in his territories. 
John replied favorably to this request, but his sudden death pre- 
vented any measures being taken. Such at least is the statement 
made by the town itself tO' Henry III in 1219,*'^ and, though rendered 
somewhat suspicious by the obvious self-interest of the commune, 
it hardly seems improbable when we consider John's position at the 
time. At any rate, if the king made any promises his death pre- 
vented their fulfilment. 

" Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 65. 



CHAPTER II 

THE BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OE HENRY III, 1216-1220 

Difficulties of the Englislh government after the death of John. First meas- 
ures of the regency. Bankruptcy of the government. Dangers in Gas- 
cony. Weakness of the seneschal. Anarchy in Gascony and Poitou. 
Marriage of Isabella. Quarrel with Hugh of L,a Marohe. Attempts of 
towns and church to maintain peace. Position of towns as supporters 
of the royal power. Concessions to them. Danger in France. 

JoHN^ at his death, bequeathed to his son Henry a chaotic state and 
an uncertain throne. The new government had before it the double 
task of driving Prince Louis out of England and of maintaining the 
king's authority over such continental dominions as yet remained to 
him. On the continent, indeed, France and England were still at 
peace, since Philip continued to observe the truce concluded with 
John. Nevertheless, this peace was only temporary for the war was 
certain to be renewed sooner or later, and in the mean time the task 
of maintaining order in Gascony surpassed the resources of the bank- 
rupt government. 

Dark as the situation seemed, it was not hopeless. There were 
in Henry's favor several circumstances. He was a child and his fath- 
er's enemies could, therefore, have no personal animosity against 
him. He had, moreover, a wise and able regent in the person of 
William Marshall and, in addition, the powerful support of his 
guardian Honorius III. The pope had already come to the assistance 
of his father, having in 1216 dispatched a mandate to the archbishop 
of Bordeaux instructing him and his suffragans to urge John's vas- 



BEGINNING OP HBNRY'S RBIGN 



19 



sals in their diocese to hasten to his defense in England.^ On John's 
death the Pope acted with equal energy in Henr)''s favor. He com- 
manded his legate in England to protect John's children and to de- 
clare illegal all oaths taken to Eouis.- Later he despatched an exhor- 
tation to the archbishop of Bordeaux to urge those detaining lands 
and goods of the king or his mother to give them up, no appeal be- 
ing allowed.^ 

In spite of this support from the church, which no doubt con- 
tributed to keeping the French king quiet, the problems facing the 
g-overnment were sufficiently serious. Its energies for the time being 
were concentrated upon the defeat of Prince Louis. All it could do 
upon the continent was to conciliate all classes, so^ far as possible, 
while using the papal support for whatever it might prove to be 
worth as a means of preserving order. So far as the nobles were 
concerned conciliation doubtless meant letting them alone, since they 
might reasonably be trusted not to revolt against a suzerain who did 
not interfere with them. The towns, however, had grievances. John 
had imprisoned one prominent burgher and had taken wine without 
payment, whether by agreement or seizure. This might seem a 
reversal of his former policy, but allowances must be made for a 
king of so violent a temper and a government in such desperate 
straits as his. 

The new government at once made haste to set these matters 
right — on parchment at any rate. Among the prisoners liberated by 
William Marshall as soon as he had assumed the reins of govern- 
ment was Rustengo de Soler.^ Now Rustengo was, probably at 
this time and unquestionably later, a man of great wealth, of landed 
property, of aristocratic connections. He was destined, in conjunc- 

^ Papal Letters, I, 41. 
'^ Ibid.,' 43. 

* Ibid., 44. 

* Patent Rolls, 1216-1225, 11. 



20 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 



tion with his son Gaillard, to stand at the head of one of the two 
great factions of Bordeaux, and it may well have been that his rela- 
tives or friends even then controlled the commune. How this man 
came to be imprisoned we are not informed, but, for whatever reason, 
he was, at Henry's accession, confined in Corfe Castle in the county 
of Dorset.^ 

Not only was Rustengo set at liberty by the regent but, during 
the next year (12 17) he was intrusted with the custody of the castle 
of Labarre,*' and arrangements were made to pay him for 84 dolia 
of wine which John had taken to provision Dover CastleJ The 
Bordelais, moreover, continued in favor with the government, since 
in 1219 we find him acting as one of the bailiffs of Dax.^ Nor was 
Rustengo the only merchant whom the regent deemed it wise to pay. 
In February of 1218 he ordered the seneschal to pay two and one-half 
marks sterling to Arnold Reisac of Bordeaux for 20 dolia of wine 
taken by John.^ 

While thus maintaining friendly relations with the townspeople 
of Bordeaux, leaving the nobility largely to themselves or controlling 
them through the church, the regent pressed the war with Louis to 
a successful coiiclusion. By the treaty of Lambeth, signed on Sep^ 
tember 11, 12 17, the prince withdrew from England and abandoned 
his claims in return for an indemnity of 10,000 marks. Yet the 

" Corfe had been John's headquarters during the months of July and Aug- 
ust. Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 388. 

^Rot. lift, clans. I, 308. Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 80, 130, 133. Probably Pat. 
Rolls, 157, also refers to this. Labarre was situated in the neighborhood of 
Condom, near the Toulousan frontier. The whole region of Toulouse was 
then in a state of anarchy and Honorius III was urging Philip Augustus to 
intervene in Languedoc. Prince Louis, indeed, headed an expedition there in 
the following year. It would, therefore, seem that such a frontier castle must 
have been a place of considerable importance. 

''Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 137. 

® Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 46. 

^ Rot. litt. claus., I, 351b. 



BEGINNING OP HENRY'S REIGN 21 

government's difficulties were by no means over. The revolt 
of the barons and the civil war had gone far to shatter the royal au- 
thority and organization. John had intrusted many of his castles to 
foreign mercenary leaders whom the regent was anxious to remove, 
the revenues were scanty, and the indemnity to Louis and other 
debts exhausted the treasury. 

These problems occupied the last days of the regent, and at his 
death, in May of 12 19, he left them still unsettled to his successor, 
Hubert de Burgh. Indeed Hubert found the government so much 
impoverished that he could meet the current expenses of the admin- 
istration only by the help of loans from the papal legate.^*' Under 
these circumstances nothing could be spared for Gascony and there 
the king's representative, the seneschal, was obliged to do what he 
could with the resources of the duchy. As these resources were sadly 
insufficient Gascony drifted steadily toward anarchy, and, at the 
same time, the attitude of the French became more threatening. 

While Louis had been fighting in England Philip Augustus, as 
we have seen, had remained quietly at Paris, He had, it is true, aided 
his son, but had not desired to risk a conflict with Honorius HL by 
attacking Aquitaine, Louis, however, returning from England, 
soothed his disappointment and reconciled himself with the church by 
plunging into the war in Languedoc, and by April of 12 19 was en- 
gaged in the siege of Toulouse, Now it was by no means unlikely 
that if he failed to take Toulouse he would relieve his feelings by 
taking some of the English territories. This was the more probable 
as the truce with France concluded by king John would soon expire, 
and border nobles were little to be trusted. With such dangers threat- 
ening from France the internal condition of the duchy grew constant- 
ly worse and the seneschal was helpless. 

" Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 401. 



22 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

These dangers were clearly pointed out to the English govern- 
ment. Queen Isabella, who after the death of her husband had re- 
turned to the continent, sent warnings. In a letter written to her 
son, probably in the spring of 12 19, she reminds him of previous vain 
appeals for help, and informs him that help is now more urgently 
needed than ever; for a breach of the truce with France would 
gravely imperil his possessions.^^ Similar warnings were reported 
from another source. Geoffrey Neville, the seneschal of Gascony, 
pointed out to the king that while Prince Louis was then busy with 
Toulouse yet when he returned from his expedition he would probably 
attack Helie Ridell, lord of Bergerac, who was in charge of the 
marches of Agenois and Perigord ; nor would it be possible, he ad- 
ded for Plelie to hold these territories without assistance.^^ 

With such perils in the air new favors to Bordeaux are not 
surprising. On May 28 Hubert issued letters of safe conduct to 
the citizens of that city. These letters confirmed the right of the 
burghers to come with their merchandise to England, to remain there 
in safety, and to return freely to Bordeaux on condition of the 
payment of the right and proper customs — recta's et dehitas consue- 
tudines}^ Such a concession was an obvious benefit to the merch- 
ants engaged in English commerce and the list of mayors clearly 
shows us that this element then controlled' the commune in that city .^* 

While such concessions — or confirmations of previous conces- 
sions, for the Bordelais must have enjoyed these privileges 

" Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 23. 

^ Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 194. 

" From 1217 to 1221 the office of mayor was held by the following per- 
sons : Bernard d'Acra (twice), Peter Andron, W. R. Colom and Peter Viger. 
Of these d'Acra, Colom and Viger were engaged in the English trade. For 
d'Acra see Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 496-98. For Viger see the privilege given 
his brother and noticed on page 6. The close connection of the Coloms 
with the wine trade will be evidenced by our entire study. 



BEGINNING OF HENRY'S REIGN 



23 



in substance before this time — might retain the towns in 
their loyalty yet the authority of the seneschal was reach- 
ing its nadir. So pressed was he for money that Geof- 
frey Neville was even detained at La Rochelle for his 
debts and only allowed to leave on obtaining a loan from Hugh 
de IvUsignan of 160 marks.^^ Under these circumstances the feudal 
lords broke loose from all control, Hugh of Lusignan, count of La 
Marche, was harassing the town of Niort and other magnates were 
threatening other places. Chaos reigned everywhere and in the 
midst of it the seneschal stood powerless. So, at least, it was that 
the seneschal himself described the situation in a doleful letter to 
the king, written in May or June of 1219, complaining of his help- 
lessness — destitute as he was both of men and money — and expres- 
sing his fears that unless aid was promptly sent him the king's lands 
and towns would be seized by Hugh and other lords. He concluded 
bitterly that unless he was better supported he would leave Gascony 
where he was useless and go on a crusade to the Holy Land.^*' 

But the English government was fully occupied in getting rid of 
the mercenaries whom John had placed in command of the castles 
and had no help to send. So matters drifted till July, growing worse 
instead of better. The barons were still devastating the royal domains 
and seizing and ransoming the burghers. The seneschal again 
described these conditions to the king and again complained of his 
helplessness, saying that his poverty was such that he could neither 
subjugate the barons nor defend the king's lands, and that his credit 
was so far exhausted that no one would lend him anything. He 
concluded as before with a threat of leaving Gascony unless aid 
should be sent him,^'^ 

Badly though the seneschal needed money the English government 

" Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 44. 
" Ibid., 29. 
"Ibid., I, Z7. 



24 UN GUSH RULE IN GASCON Y 

would not let him obtain it by means that might alienate the towns. 
When he demanded the arrears of certain dues from Bayonne he was 
promptly checked. In June — that is about the time of the seneschal's 
first letter — Hubert commanded him not to exact the arrears of dues 
at Bayonne, since these duties had been granted to the citizens for 
fortifying their town; and Hubert even went so far as to command 
him to pay back to them 25 pounds sterling which he had already 
collected.^^ 

Meantime the danger from France grew as the period of the 
truce drew near its end. Clearly something must be done to guard 
against an attack from Louis. Apparently with this in view Hubert 
on July 23 ordered various persons in Bordeaux to set about the task 
of fortifying the city.^® Some response must also be made to the 
seneschal's repeated entreaties for money. But the royal treasury 
was in no condition to furnish funds. Under these circumstances 
Hubert turned to the towns for help. Having received many favors 
they might be willing assist the king, the more so as it would appear 
to have been plainly to their interest to strengthen the royal govern- 
ment that it might be able to protect them from the nobles. In July, 
at the same time that he wrote concerning the fortification of Bor- 
deaux, Hubert wrote both to La Rochelle and Bordeaux asking each 
town to advance 1,000 marks to the seneschal for the defense of the 
king's lands. At the same time he wrote to the master of the Templars 
in Aquitaine asking him to advance enough to make up 2,000 
marks, in case either of the towns did not advance the entire sum 
asked for. Hubert also strengthened his appeal by inducing the 
commune of London to write to the mayor and communes of the two 
cities, offering to guarantee the repayment of the loan.^o 

^^ Rot. litt. claus., I, 393. Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 200. 
^' Pat. Rolls, ig8. 
""Ibid., 198-199. 
A word as to the value of money may not be out of place at this time. 
One of the latest estimates is that of Malvezin in his Histoire du commerce 



BEGINNING OF HENRY'S REIGN 



25 



So far the situation appears simple. The nobles were oppressing 
the townspeople and the king was conciliating them and appealing to 
them for loans to help him curb the nobles.^^ The reason for 
attacks of the nobles on the towns may have been mere turbulence 
and love of plunder, or it may well have been a desire to* extend their 
powers by forcing the towns to become their vassals instead of con- 
tinuing to hold directly of the king. In any case before the year was 
over a new complication arose in the outbreak of violent quarrels 
between the towns. Toward the end of 12 19 the common council of 
Dax were complaining bitterly of the conduct of the citizens of 
Bayonne, who, they said, had closed the Adour against their com- 
merce.^^ At the same time the relations between La Reole and 
Bordeaux were becoming strained. It will be recalled that John had 
granted to the citizens of La Reole exemption from all duties on their 
goods in the port of Bordeaux. In 12 17 William Marshall had com- 
missioned Gerard Brochard, master of the Templars in Aquitaine, 
and his brother Templars to collect the dues of Bordeaux until they 
should have repaid themselves 1,157 marks borrowed by John.^* 
Gerard had now begun to collect these dues upon, the goods of the 
citizens of La Reole regardless of their privilege. In November of 
12 19, if we follow the dates assigned by Shirley, the council and all 

de Bordeaux. He values t'he livre tournois at 18 francs 97 centimes and the 
mark at 2 livres 18 sous. The money of Bordeaux equalled that of Tours. 
Rymer, Foedera, I, 306, and Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 199. The pound' sterling- 
equalled 4 livres tournois (Roles Gascons, no. 263) and the mark sterling 
was 2/3 of a pound sterling (Rot. litt. claus. I, 623). This of course refers 
to the intrinsic value ; the purchasing power 'M'alvezin estimates as nine times 
greater than, today, but Balasque, £tudes, II, 218, puts it only double. 

^^ Only once so far as the records show did the English government take 
a step that might irritate the burghers. This was wlhen in 1219 it notified the 
wine merchants of Bordeaux of the discovery that certain of their wine casks 
were of short measure, and warned them that should this be found again the 
wine in suclh casks would be confiscated. 

^^ Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 45. 

^ Pat. Rolls, 1216-122S, 51. 



26 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

the burghers of the town wrote a violent letter to the king complain- 
ing of this action.^* At about the same time two of their citizens 
sent the king an account of the quarrel from which it appears that 
the citizens of Bordeaux were supporting the action of the Tem'- 
plars.^^ In the course of these disputes no reference was made to the 
seneschal, representative of the king in Gascony. This in itself is con- 
firmation that his complaints of powerlessness were not exaggerated. 

The danger from Louis seems to have been constantly threatening 
for we find Pope Honorius III ordering his legate to preyent the 
prince from seizing the lands of the king of England, whether in 
Poitou or Gascony.^® This was in May 1219 and was worth some- 
thing. Still as Innocent III had not been able to prevent this same 
prince from invading England it might well be questioned if Honorius 
could hold him back from Gascony, and the province seemed in no 
condition to withstand an attack. 

Before such conditions Geoffrey Neville might well grow dis- 
heartened. Perhaps to seek for further support, he went to England 
in November leaving affairs in Gascony in the hands of a knight 
named William Gauler.^'^ We can form some estimate of the con- 
dition of the royal authority when we find' — if we may trust Gauler — 
that Neville left him nothing but port dues wdiich amounted to only 
50 pounds. In any case Gauler did not enjoy a long tenure of office; 
for the king issued an order for his arrest in the very month of 
Neville's departure, though for what reason does not appear.^® 
After this Neville resumed his duties but was not appreciably stronger 
than before. The course oi events seems to have been entirely beyond 
his control, and the province drifted along almost as if no royal 
representative had been present. 

" Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 49. 

''Ibid., S2,. 

'° Papal Letters, I, 67. 

" S'hirley, Royal Letters, I, 49, 

''Ibid., 54- 



BEGINNING OF HENRY'S REIGN 



27 



Under such circumstances the quarrels and disputes continued 
unabated. La Reole was still in difficulties with Bordeaux. The 
justiciar had in July ordered the seneschal to maintain the liberties 
of the town^^ and had written to Brochard ordering him to respect 
them.^*' This had proved insufficient for in November the council 
and burghers had again written to the chancellor and despatched la 
certain Marlettus as nuncio to secure a formal confirmation of their 
liberties.^^ Mariettas seems to have been favorably received for in 
February of 1220 the king made him a present of one mark, perhaps 
as payment of his expenses.^^ Bayonne, somewhat irrelevantly, re- 
plied to the complaints of Dax by protesting her loyalty to the king^^ 
and inducing the viscount of Bearn^* and the common council of Ba- 
zas to- testify tO' it likewise. ^^ She, moreover, renewed her request — 
made formerly, as she declares, to John — for exemption from all 
tolls and customs.^*' 

In one respect the English government met with good fortune. 
They were able to- secure a renewal for four years of the truce which 
expired in 1220. This gave a little longer time in which to attempt 
to put the country in a posture of defense. Though they were 
successful in this matter the internal conditions showed no sign of 
improvement with the beginning of 1220. In February or March of 
that year the mayor and burgesses of La Rochelle thanked the king 
for renewing the truce with France, but complained to him that the 
lord of Parthenay was harassing the burghers of Niort and St. 
Jean-d'Angely.^^ The town of Niort speedily echoed these com- 

^^ Rot. litt. claus., 1, 395 b. 

'"Ibid., 435- 

^"^ Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 49. 

''Rot. litt. clans.. I, 411. 

'' Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 65. 

" Ibid., 66. 

''Ibid., Gt. 

'" Ibid., 65. 

''Ibid., 94. 



28 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

plaints, with details of their citizens imprisoned and blinded.^^ Dax, 
too, forgetting, or perhaps having composed her quarrel with Bay- 
onne, was petitioning the king to force Geoffrey Neville to repay 
money borrowed from her citizens.'^ 

It seems clear from such glimpses as these letters give us that, 
while disorder was general, it was at its worst in Poitou. Dax and 
Bayonne were not only stronger but the neighboring lords were 
weaker than was the case with Niort and other Poitevin towns. In 
Poitou the fate of the English rule depended largely on the attitude 
of the greatest feudal lord of the region, Hugh of Lusignan, count of 
I^a Marche. His ambition was naturally to extend his power in 
Poitou and to acquire a position of practical independence by playing 
off the English against the French. Hitherto he had been nominally 
loyal to the English, but he now saw an opening for his own advance- 
ment. Isabella, Henry's mother, had returned to France to admin- 
ister Angouleme, which she inherited from her father. After having 
suffered many and repeated agressions from Hugh — of which she 
complained in vain to Henry — she now took the step of marrying 
Hugh in spite of the fact that he was betrothed to her daughter. 
She explained in her letter announcing her marriage that it was con- 
tracted to further, or at least safeguard, Henry's interests. The 
count was without an heir and as his fiancee was very young had re- 
solved to seek a wife in France. If this project had been carried 
through Isabella declared that both Poitou and Gascony would have 
been lost to Henry. She professed to have acted rather for his in- 
terests than her own. She closed by demanding, among other things, 
the town of Niort and the sum of 3500 marks left her by King 
John.*" 

These demands not being complied with Hugh speedily proceeded 

^^ Ibid., 95 and 96. 
'' Ibid., 97. 
''Ibid., 114. 



BEGINNING OP HENRY'S REIGN 



29 



to acts of hostility against the English. Among the first of these 
seems to have been an attempt to persuade or force the towns of 
I^a Rochelle, Niort, and St. Jean-d'Angely to ally themselves with 
him. His overtures being rejected, either in revenge or as a means 
of compulsion he seized such of their citizens as were within his 
territories. Such a policy would not merely annoy individuals, but, 
if persisted in, would destroy commerce passing through La Marche 
and Lusignan. Under such circumstances the towns turned to their 
royal master. 

In May, if we follow Shirley's rather tenative dating, the mayor 
and burgesses of La Rochelle informed Henry that the count had 
written them a very menacing letter.*^ They add significantly that a 
powerful man is much needed as seneschal. This in itself is a 
strong suggestion of royalist sympathies on the part of the towns. 
It is, moreover, decidedly confirmed by a letter to^ Henry from 
William Gumbaud, an officer in charge of the castles of Fronsac and 
Mirabeau, who declares that Hugh is threatening the lands under 
his charge and that he is not in a position to protect them. He asks 
the king to give orders to Bordeaux, La Rochelle, La Reole and other 
towns to assist him in defending Fronsac.*^ Evidently, in this in- 
stance, the king's officer relied on the towns to enable him to resist 
the feudal lords, especially a lord against whom they had so many 
and such weighty grievances as they professed tO' have against the 
count of La Marche. 

The quarrel with Hugh, however, did not go so far as actual 
war, owing to the combined action of the church and towns. Since 
the king could not preserve order these two powers undertook to do 
so. The bishops of Saintonge, Poitou, Angouleme and Perigord, 
acting together, persuaded Hugh to agree to a truce for seven weeks. 

^"■Ibid., 123. 
''Ibid., 155. 



30 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

This truce was announced to king Henry by the mayor and commune 
of Bordeaux*^ who frankly added that it was important and even 
necessary to retain the good will of the count and that to disturb him 
was perictilosa et damnosa. They end their letter by an entreaty to 
the king to be discreet in his action. In writing thus they pretend 
to be fulfilling a request of the prud' hommes of La Rochelle, possibly 
to avert from themselves any wrath the king might feel at their 
rather plain language. Hubert appears to have despatched nuncios 
to conclude a peace with Hugh, but events did not await their coming. 
Before their arrival, the bishops with certain barons and representa- 
tives of the towns of Bordeaux, Niort, La Rochelle and St. Jean- 
d'Angely held a conference with Hugh at Angouleme. Thereafter 
the towns despatched envoys to England to assist in arranging a 
permanent peace,** which seems to have been concluded in November 
of that year. 

The peace thus concluded was not destined to prove lasting. In 
reality it was little more than a truce. Hugh for the moment laid 
aside such of his demands as he deemed it inopportune to press, but 
the English government could never count upon him with confidence, 
as we shall have occasion to see. He was quite prepared to desert 
to the French whenever his interests seemed to dictate that course, 
though upon the whole he may well have preferred King Henry as 
the weaker and therefore more lenient master. 

With the affairs of Gascony in such a state Hubert could hardly 
venture to offend the burghers. Nor were these latter likely to let 
so good an occasion for bringing forward their claims slip by unused. 
In this matter Bordeaux was particularly active. On the occasion 
of Henry's second coronation, in May 1220, she requested confirma- 
tion of a charter of King John.*^ From the language of the letter 

'^Ibid., 132. 
" Ibid., 148. 
*= Ihid., 125. 



BEGINNING OF HENRY'S REIGN 31 

the charter was one referring to commercial privileg€S, and it was 
doubtless in response to this petition that, on July 28, the king 
addressed letters close to the seneschal confirming the exemptions 
and privileges on wines which had been granted to Bordeaux by 
John.*« 

During this troubled year the commune was also able to bring to 
a conclusion negotiations concerning certain debts. John had on 
one occasion seized 432 dolia of wine valued at 1,400 marks. Presum- 
ably this had been owned by various private individuals, but by indi- 
viduals who exerted such influence in the commune that it acted for 
them, since the matter was brought before the English govern- 
ment by representatives of the "university of Bordeaux." Appar- 
ently some of these claims had already been paid and negotiations 
concering the remainder had long been pending; for, on March 10, 
1220, Hubert issued letters patent stating that he had finally come 
to an agreement with the citizens of Bordeaux (Sciatis nos Unem 
fecisse cum Reimumdo Divac posito loco universitatis Burdegale pro^ 
etc.) By this arrangement 600 marks were paid to- the citizens in 
ten yearly installments.*^ While thus arranging for the payment of 
a number of private citizens through the commune — for we can 
hardly suppose that it had engaged in the wine trade as a corporate 
body — Hubert also paid another debt directly. Geoflfrey Neville had 
borrowed money from Rustengo Colom to the amount of 560 
marks.'^^ The Coloms were a powerful family who had already- 
received favors from King John. The brother of Rustengo was at 
this time mayor of Bordeaux and hence it is not surprising that 
Hubert took prompt measures tO' settle their claims. Doubtless 
because his treasury was then empty he conceded to Rustengo one 
half the redditus of Bordeaux until the debt should be discharged. 

*^ Rot. lift, claus., I, 425. 
*'' Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 229. 
''Ibid., 243. 



32 BNGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

In the midst of the confusion and anarchy in Gascony the towns 
apparently formed the centre of whatever remained of a royalist par- 
ty. Already Niort had called for a strong seneschal, and William 
Gumbaud had asked communal aid in case of war with Hugh, which 
war had been averted in large part by the action of the towns.*^ Hu- 
bert — evidently depending upon the loyalty of, at least, Bordeaux and 
Bayonne — strove anxiously to strengthen them against possible 
attack. In Bordeaux he commissioned Rustengo de Soler to repair 
the castle, promising to repay him whatever sum he should expend in 
so dbing.^^ Further, he authorized the levy of certain special taxes 
on merchandise brought into the city, the proceeds of which were 
to be expended in fortifying the town. These taxes were, however, 
to be collected only for a period of three years, and the goods of La 
Reole were to be exempt.^^ It would not seem impossible that these 
taxes were levied at the suggestion and wish of the citizens, who 
might well desire stronger defenses in the midst of the many perils 
which lowered over Gascony. We can indeed hardly believe that at 
this moment Hubert would take steps affecting the burghers which 
they seriously opposed. To such provision for Bordeaux Hubert 
joined a lesser concession to Bayonne, granting 25 pounds (annually) 
from' the revenue to the mayor, twelve and council for fortifying 
the town.^^ 

Finally, Hubert took action in the matter of despatching a strong- 
er seneschal. The appointment seems to have been under consider- 
ation by the government for some time. At first Hubert thought of 
conferring the office upon some Gascon noble who would regard the 

**It will be recalled that during these troubled years tbe office of mayor 
at Bordeaux was most frequently held by men connected with the English 
trade (see note, page 22). This may furnish one reason for the loyalty of 
Bordeaux. 

'^ Pat. Rolls, 1216-122$, 245. 

^"■Ibid., 242. 

^"^ Rot. Hit. claus., I, 472 b. 



BEGINNING OF HENRY'S REIGN 33 

honor as a sufficient recompense, and who might use his own influence 
and resources in the king's cause. A rumor of this reached Gascony 
and indicated the viscount of Thouars as likely to be chosen. 
Straightway the commune of Niort, deeply agitated, despatched to 
the king a violent denunciation of the viscount, concluding with the 
pious hope that God would avert any such appointment. The citizens 
entreat the king to send them as seneschal some noble, discreet, wise 
and powerful person from England (aliqtiem viriim nobilem, discre- 
tum et sapientem potenteni de partibus angiiae). The cause of this 
outburst lay in the fact that the viscount and the commune had in 
the past been enemies and the citizens feared that he would use his 
powers as seneschal to repay his old grudges.^^ Their protest was 
successful in preventing the appointment, and, apparently, convinced 
the justicular of the unwisdom of conferring the office on a Gascon. 
In England matters were now going a little better and Hubert was in 
a position to support an English representative. At the time of the 
king's coronation he had persuaded the English nobles to agree to a 
"free gift" of two shillings on every kind of land to assist the king 
in preserving his authority in Gascony. Backed by this support, he 
announced on September 16 the appointment of a new seneschal.'* 
Hubert's choice had finally fallen upon Philip d'Ulecot, a man whom 
the government had already employed as sheriff of Northumberland.^' 
The grant made by the Great Council had not, however, removed 
all the difficulties in the way of the government. The collection of 
the money would take time and the seneschal would need funds upon 
his first arrival in his province. Yet, when his appointment was 
announced, a sufficient sum was not yet at hand. Under these cir- 
cumstances Hubert appealed once more to the towns. On the same 
day that he informed the Gascons of the choice of d'Ulecot he wrote 

°' Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 126. 

'^Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 249. 

" See under the name in the index of the above volume. 



34 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

to the mayor and commune of La Rochelle asking them to lend the 
new seneschal 500 marks. Fearing apparently that his request 
might not be complied with he addressed a second letter to the prohis 
hominibus of Bordeaux asking them to advance the money if La 
Rochelle failed to do so. Hubert solemnly promised to repay the 
money within forty days after the receipt of letters from Philip 
certifying that it had been made.^® Furthermore Hubert induced 
the mayor and "university of London" to write urging one or other 
of the cities to advance the money and offering themselves as pledges 
for its repayment.^'^ With a new seneschal thus strengthened, the 
English government might hope for some improvement in the condi- 
tion of their troubled continental dependency. 

^"Ibid., 249. 
'''Ibid., 266. 



CHAPTER III 

THE ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII, 1221-1227 

Continued' Anarchy in Gascony and Poitou. Accession of Louis VIII. He 
renews the war. Conquest of Poitou. Attitude of the towns. Conces- 
sions to the towns. Attack on Gascony. Bordeaux checks the French 
advance. Castles intrusted to the towns. Expedition of Richard of Corn- 
wall. Recovery of Gascony. Failure in Poitou. Part played by the towns 
in the campaigns. 

No Opportunity was afforded the new seneschal of testing the 
loyal liberality of the towns. Appointed in September he died in 
the next month/ and a new choice was thus rendered necessary. 
Hubert in this instance selected Hugh de Vivona for the position and 
transferred to his name the letters previously mentioned in favor 
of d'Ulecot.2 

The new seneschal did indeed live to reach Gascony but his rule 
was not of long duration. Appointed in January of 1221 he was 
superseded in October of that year by Savary de Mauleon, a Poitevin 
knight and troubadour, who remained in office till 1224. Both Hugh 
and Savary, however, faced substantially the same conditions that 
had confronted Neville. If some of the old quarrels had been 
composed, new ones had broken out. 

Of new complications the chief was a violent dispute between the 
citizens of La Rochelle and the viscount of Thouars, the former 

^ Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 157. 
''Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 266. 



36 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

enemy of Niort. This arose over an attempt of the viscount to for- 
tify a castle near the city. The strengthening of this castle had 
been forbidden by the English, possibly because they distrusted the 
fidelity of one who had already once deserted them. Claiming to 
act under royal orders, the citizens attempted to prevent the viscount's 
action, whereupon he wrote them an insulting letter beginning — as 
they declared — Omnibus rusticis agrestibus de Rupella, malam sa- 
lutem. In this he further declared — if we may trust their account of 
the matter — that he would fortify his castle in spite of them and of 
the king of England. If they objected he would not let them go out- 
side their walls. Upon receiving this missive the citizens rose in 
wrath and tore down the castle. But they were no match for the vis- 
count, who assembled his friends and allies and threatened to de- 
stroy the vineyards and property of the townspeople outside their 
wall's. Unable to defend themselves, they were forced to make peace 
and promise to atone for their action by the payment of 500 marks. 

With these circumstances they made haste to acquaint the king 
in two letters.-' In the second they enumerate several other expenses 
which they have had to meet for the king's service, among them 150 
sous given to Savary de Mauleon and 3,027 pounds to his predeces- 
sor Geoffrey Neville. They are now bankrupt and cannot pay the 
viscount of Thouars the money promised, and they close by be- 
seeching the royal aid. 

Such a wail as this shows vividly the chaos that reigned in 
Poitou. We note, also, the powerlessness of the seneschal, who 
nowhere intervenes or is even consulted in the quarrel. We may 
conjecture that at least one reason for the failure of the English 
government to take vigorous action was the fear of driving the side 
against which they acted over to the French. Already one of the 
English envoys returning from the French court had informed the 

' Sihirley, Royal Letters, I, 185, 188. 



ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII 37 

nuncios of La Rochelle that he had heard it said that both the barons 
and the towns of Poitou would go over to the French king if that 
monarch desired it. Such rumors had sufficient verisimilitude to 
cause the mayor and burgesses of La Rochelle to write to Henry 
denying their truth and passionately protesting their loyalty.* They 
cited as evidence the labors and sufferings they had undergone and 
were undergoing in his cause, as formerly in that of his father. 
They had seen their houses burned and their vineyards destroyed. 
Many of the villages without the city were weak and if the king 
would give them the prefecture over these it would rejoice the citi- 
zens and they could put them into better posture of defense against 
his enemies. 

The citizens protested their loyalty ; but how far could it be relied 
upon ? They declare in their letter that many wealthy citizens have 
fallen into poverty through the dangers of war. Their property 
outside the walls of the town lay at the mercy of the Poitevin nobles ; 
could the citizens fail to follow in their lead? It was here no mere 
question of keeping open good markets and profitable trade routes. 
Of what use were these when it rested with the viscount of Thouars 
and his like whether there should be any wine to sell ? The English 
king could not restrain these lords even while they were his vassals 
in name. If, then, these lords deserted to the French and La Rochelle 
remained loyal to the English the new suzerain would have no motive 
for even trying to restrain his new va.=sals. Under such circumstan- 
ces, would not La Rochelle be practically forced to cast in her lot 
with the side favored by the surrounding feudality? Time was soon 
to put this question and it received the answer which we might 
expect. 

While La Rochelle was thus disputing with the viscount of 
Thouars the government's relations with the count of La Marche 

*Ihid., 194. 



38 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

were becoming strained. The count had, indeed', concluded a peace 
with Henry and promised to restore the royal castles and other prop- 
erty which he had seized. The count in this case soon proved to be 
more ready to promise than to perform, and, probably at the instiga- 
tion of the king, the pope ordered the dean of the cathedral chapter 
at Bordeaux to excommunicate the count if he did not fulfill his 
engagements within reasonable time. As nothing was done, the ex- 
communication was ordered in June, and on November 9 Hubert in- 
structed the dean and other ecclesiastics to carry out the sentence.^ 
In December of this year, 1222, Henry also instructed Savary de 
Miauleon to resume all crown lands and castles alienated without 
royal consent.'' This must have seemed to the seneschal a rather 
difficult matter. The king gave him some assistance by ordering the 
payment of arrears due the government by the towns, cities and 
castles which owed them. He further commanded his demesne men 
to receive Savary with respect and confidence^ and the men oi 
Entre-deux-Mers were ordered to return to their lands and rendef 
their due service. The king also announced to the Gascons by letters 
patent that Savary was empowered to receive harborage for him.^ 
Armed with these mandates, and others soon to be mentioned, Savary 
seems to have been able to take some action, sufficient at least to 
embroil him with the count of La Marche. In August of 1223 the 
count complained to Henry of the seneschal's conduct in general but 
without going into details. "You should know," he writes, "that 
Lord Savary de Mauleon is working grave injury and most serious 
damage to us and our men without reasonable cause, and will not de- 
sist from his evil counsel, which thing unless it be for the sake of rev- 
erance and honor to you we cannot tolerate with equanimity. In 

° Gasquet, Henry III and the Church, 72. 
* Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 202. 
'' Ibid.j 200. 

^ Ibid.. 201. These documents are also printed in the Pat. Rolls, 1216- 
1225, 355-356. 



ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII 



39 



truth, if peace is to be made once more between you and us, you 
should in no wise suffer that he bring injury to us and ours, since 
we will recede from your service rather than suffer from him such 
evils and injuries without vengeance."^ 

This, then, was the first fruit of Savary's attempt to reassert the 
royal power in Poitou. The principal seigneurs of that region were 
opposed to any strong central government and sought to prevent it 
by balancing the French against the English. As to the towns, we 
may suspect that they were already looking toward France. The 
main lines in their commerce, doubtless, ran in that direction,^" and 
they may well have despaired of the English power ever introducing 
order among the turbulent nobility. 

But Gascony as well as Poitou presented difficult problems for 
the seneschal. There the towns, not being checked by such great 
seigneurs as those of the north, were far more important. Encour- 
aged by the weakness of the government they now began to conduct 
themselves like independent republics. By the close of the year 1222 
Bordeaux had quarrelled with the seneschal, formed a confederation 
with other towns and lords, sheltered men guilty of taking and burn- 
ing royal castles^ and attempted to levy a tallage on the people of 
the district of Entre-deux-Mers, 

Such a state of things could not be overlooked or the royal 
authority might as well cease to exist. The dispute with the seneschal 
Henry settled by arbitration. He discussed the matter with the 
seneschal and with representatives of the townspeople, and issued 
letters patent, on December 4, dealing with the question at issue. In 
these he commanded the seneschal to protect, defend and aid the 
citizens, while they were to render the customs and service due 
under the reign of John. He despatched to them Geoffrey Neville 
to exact these dues and services from them, and at the same time re- 

° Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 208. 

^" Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 407. 



40 ENGLISH RULE IN GAS CONY 

quired the citizens to add to their communal oath the clause Salva 
Me nobis debita ei salvo jure nostra}'^ 

At the same time that he thus attempted to deal with the dispute 
between the seneschal and the citizens he issued letters patent con- 
cerning the other proceedings of the townspeople. He forbade their 
forming confederacies or harboring the malefactors who had de- 
stroyed his castle, and prohibited the tallage.^^ 

In a fourth letter written on the same day the king adjusted 
another dispute, namely, that concerning Chitre. This man had been 
a seneschal under Richard.^^ That king and his mother Eleanor 
had bestowed on him the terra of Beggles for life. We have seen 
that Elias Viger in the time of John had secured possession of this 
estate, representing Chitre as dead. Chitre would appear to have 
regained possession of the property ; for he now complains that the 
citizens have deprived him of the estate and have destroyed his 
castle and pulled up his vineyards. The king in this instance com- 
mands them to make immediate restitution and to permit Chitre to 
enjoy the property in peace. 

These measures would! certainly seem a severe rebuke for the 
citizens of Bordeaux. There is, however, no evidence that they re- 
sented them or offered any serious opposition. We may conjecture 
that perhaps the seneschal had means of controlling the commune 
through the mayor. It is at least suggestive of this that Peter Viger, 
who was mayor before Savary's arrival, was succeeded by Amaubin 
d'Alhan who continued in office as long as Savary remained seneschal, 
and that when Savary departed Peter Viger again became mayor. 

" Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 196. Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 353. 

^^ Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 354, for all these letters. They are also printed 
in Shirley, Royal Letters, I, ig6 f. We may note in passing that Bordeaux 
had concluded a treaty with La Reole during the time that Peter Viger was 
mayor : O'Reilley, Histoire de Bordeaux, I, 363. 

^* See under Chicre in the index to the Pat. Rolls. 



ATTACK OF LO UIS VIII 4 1 

Two other measures affecting the townspeople were hkewise 
taken at this time. There had been dissension in La Reole and 
certain of the citizens had been expelled. The king by letters patent 
ordered that they be peacefully restored by the seneschal, and the 
dispute composed, and to this end Geoffrey Neville was called upon to 
give his counsel and assistance. A new port was also ordered to be 
established at La Rochelle and the money raised by a harbor due.^* 

Before Savary's attempts at restoring order had had time to do 
much beyond irritate those like the count of La Marche who had 
profited by the disorders, the danger from France, always hovering 
in the background, became suddenly threatening. On July 14, 1223, 
Philip Augustus died, and Louis VIII succeeded him upon the throne. 
The change of soverigns might well be taken as presaging a change 
of policy. In the latter part of his reign Philip's policy had been 
distinctly pacific. The new king had already shown himself inclined 
to an aggressive course, and, almost as soon as he had succeeded to 
the throne, the expiration of the truce with England gave him an 
ample pretext to attempt the completion of his father's conquests. 

It was soon clear that when the truce expired in May of 1224^ 
France would renew the war. Even when this was certain the 
English were unable to make any serious preparation for defense, as 
all the energy of the government was for the time required to put 
down the revolt of Faukes de Breaute in England. While England 
was thus rendered helpless by her internal difficulties the situation on 
the continent was highly favorable to the French. The pope, who 
before had so strongly upheld the English, needed French aid in 
Languedoc, and hence could no longer support the wavering fortunes 
of the Plantagenets by spiritual thunders. The count of La Marche, 
dissatisfied because Henry would not give him Niort and recall 
Savary, was already won. Other barons, such as the viscounts of 

"Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 204, 205. Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 356, 357. 



42 BNGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

Thouars and Chastellerault, were ready to sell themselves to the 
highest bidder, who in this case was Louis.^^ Even the towns were 
soon to show that their loyalty was uncertain. Where their commer- 
cial interests were not directly involved in the English connection 
they would seem to have had little motive for loyalty to Henry. 
Commercially the towns of Poitou would seem to belong rather 
with France than England. Niort and St. Jean^d'Angely may well 
have preferred a master who could curb the neighboring lords to 
keeping open the — for them — distant markets of England. La Ro- 
chelle did indeed have a commerce with England, and she may have 
found herself divided between the interests there involved and her 
fear of the viscount of Thouars and of the count of La Marche. La 
Reole, Bazas, St. fimilion may also have been divided between those 
interested in English trade and those having no such interests. Cer- 
tainly the French king could hardly expect a more favorable oppor- 
tunity. Both he and his father had always treated John's forfeiture 
as complete, and hostilities had been merely suspended by a truce. 
He now simply renewed the war.^® 

Hubert was unable for the time to send any serious help. Never- 
theless, he did what he could. He placed in Savary's hands what 
funds the king then had in Gascony^^ and appealed to the towns for 
further assistance. On June 26, he issued letters patent authorizing 
Savary to contract a loan of 1,000 marks for the defense of Poitou 
and promising to repay the money in England.^^ And, on the same 
day, a similiar letter was issued authorizing the citizens of Bordeaux 
to borrow 500 marks for fortifying their town and promising that 
the king would repay it to whoever would advance it.^^. 

'' lyUchaire, in Lavisse, Histoire de France, IIP, 285. 

" Tout, in Hunt and Poole, Political History of England, III, 31. 

"Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 447. 

" Ihid. 

" Ibid. 



ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII 4.3 

Whatever sums the seneschal succeeded in getting through these 
letters, Lojis had more. If we are to trust one account cited by 
Luchaire, the French king marched upon Poitou with the count of La 
Marche and "many jewel boxes and many barrels full of coins did 
he take with him in order to better terminate the war."^** Numerous 
chatelains and barons were brought and Louis besieged Savary in 
Niort. The defense of this place was brief. Savary yielded on 
honorable terms. He and his men were to be free but he pledged 
himself not to fight against the French before All Saints except at 
La Rochelle. To this stronghold he at once repaired. Niort taken, 
St. Jean-d'Angely yielded without a blow. The viscount of Thouars 
made a truce with the French king, and a force which was despatched 
across the Garonne received the submission of St. fimilion and La 
Reole ; but finding Bordeaux loyal did not venture to attack that city. 
In the north the English had now but one stronghold, La Rochelle, 
and this Louis beseiged on July 15.^^ 

So far the main reliance of the seneschal had been on the towns. 
It was to them that he must look for money at any rate. The nobles 
had given him apparently very little aid. In the defense of La 
Rochelle he was supported vigorously by Bayonne, which equipped 
for his service a fleet of galleys and sent with them a detachment cf 
400 men.^^ The interest of the citizens of Bayonne in the defense 
is easily understood when we recall that they were engaged in the 
carrying trade along the coast from their own town to Bordeaux and 
La Rochelle. This trade might be compromised if that city passed 
into French hands. Bordeaux remained, apparently, an indifferent 
spectator to the siege. We may conjecture that she was not disposed 
to view with great dismay a French victory that would leave her the 
undisputed center of Anglo-French commerce. 

^^ Luchaire, in Lavis-se, Histoire de Prance, IIP, 286. 

^^Ibid. 

''^Rymer, Foedera, I, 269. 



44 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

With such resources as the seneschal possessed, we might expect 
the siege to^ be a long one. Nevertheless, on August 3, the city 
yielded to the French. The mayor and commune of Bayonne in a 
letter informing the king of this disaster distinctly intimate that 
treason was at the bottom of the surrender.^^ Wendover, the chron- 
icler, affirms that it was the citizens, corrupted by the gold of Louis, 
that surrendered the city f^ and Matthew Paris, quoting this passage 
from Wendover, exclaims indignantly at the innate perfidy of the 
Poitevins, adding that only one burgher remained faithful to Henry 
and he was hanged by his fellow citizens. ^^ Whether or not these 
suspicious were wholly just, we can scarcely avoid feeling that there 
must have been some tendency to go over to the French. We have 
seen how much at the mercy of the viscount of Thouars the citizens 
were, and as he was now in league with Louis, it would not be a 
matter for surprise if they did not offer a very desperate resistance. 

After the fall of La Rochelle there soon followed another disaster. 
Savary de Mauleon, feeling that the English cause was hopeless, 
deserted to the French. By this defection, which took place in 
August of 1224, the English government ceased to have a representa- 
tive on the continent capable of directing affairs, and this at a moment 
when the fall of La Rochelle gave" Louis possession of Poitou and 
left Gascony open to attack. 

With no seneschal there could be no common or concerted resis- 
tance, and under such circumstances the towns were of absolutely 
vital importance. If they yielded to the French it were hard to see 
how any fragment of English authority could have been preserved. 
Even while Savary had directed affairs they had been his chief re- 
source. That the English government appreciated their significance 

"' Ibid. Luchaire, in Lavisse, Histoire de France, IIP, 286. 

^ Chronica, II, 277. 

^ Chronica Majora, III, 84. 



ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII 45 

is evident from its policy from the very beginning of the war. 
As John sought to repel the invasion of Alfonso^ by favors to the 
towns, so now Hubert strove to rally them to his support by favors 
and at the same time to strengthen them against the French attacks. 
At the beginning of the war he attempted to injure the French by 
destroying their commerce with England. With this in view he 
ordered the seizure of all French vessels in English ports and the 
detention of all vessels bound for the continent. Yet he was careful 
that these measures did not injure the citizens of Bayonne and 
Bordeaux, since he released numerous ships from these cities which, 
under his previous orders, bad been detained in port.^® To individ- 
ual citizens in both Dax and Bayonne he granted favors, making gifts 
to certain ones, possibly envoys, to pay their expenses to England.^^ 
He further extended to two merchants of Dax permission to bring 
their wine and other merchandise to England during two years.^^ 
Large quantities of wine were purchased of the Gascon merchants 
on credit. Was this wine wholly intended for present use or was 
this in some cases a settlement of old claims? The documents 
furnish us with no grounds for answer. In any case a number of 
merchants received payment for varying quantities of wine. At 
Bordeaux there were more than, twenty such payments during the 
year.^^ Among these merchants figure a John de Solers and several 
Coloms. Vigorous measures were also taken to put the towns in 
a posture of defense by improving their fortifications. To the mayor 
and prud' hommes of Bayonne Hubert conceded certain revenues 
during four years, the money to be used in strengthening the town.^^ 
At Bordeaux, also, he authorized the citizens to contract a loan of 

'^' Rot. litt. daus., I, 620, 611 b, 646 b; Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 498. 

"Rot. litt. clans., I, 626; II, 7, 21, 12. 

'^ Pat. Rolls, 1216-122S, 498. 

"^ Rot. litt. clans., I, 585, 610 b, 639, 623 b, 64S, etc. 

^^ Ibid., 619; Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 467. 



46 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

500 marks for strengthening their walls.^^ Whether the loan was 
made or not, the citizens of that town acted with energy. They re- 
paired the walls, pulling down houses where necessary, and in other 
ways prepared themselves to resist an attack. Their preparations 
seem to have exceeded any aid they had received fro^m the king, for 
during the siege of La Rochelle the mayor and common council wrote 
to Hubert telling him that Niort and St. Jean-d'Angely had surren- 
dered needlessly to the French. They recited the measures of 
defense which they had undertaken and the great expense incurred, 
and significantly remarked that they trusted Hubert would assist their 
envoys in the business which they were bringing before the royal 
curia.^^ What the business was we are not informed ; but it is at 
least suggestive that on August 2, Henry despatched letters patent 
to Savary, who had not yet deserted, together with all his bailiffs, 
and other officers, in which he declared that because of the great ex- 
pense incurred by his faithful citizens of Bordeaux he concedes to 
them for four years all royal revenues in their city.^^ This grant 
was indeed cancelled ; but the succeeding entries make it clear that it 
was replaced by a direct payment of money. For, on August 25, the 
king ordered his treasurer to pay to two nuncios of Bordeaux 500 
marks to aid the citizens and in November he gave to Bernard d' 
Acra and his associates, apparently the nuncios of the commune, 
2,000 marks to be used by the Bordelais in strengthening their 
defenses.^* 

But while thus bestowing favors on individuals and putting the 

^^ Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 447. 

^^ Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 231. 

^^Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 458. 

^* Ibid., 497; Rot. litt. claus., II. 5 b. D'Acra, who had already been twice 
mayor of Bordeaux, seems to have used Ihis stay in England for his own ad- 
vantage, for, on the same day that the 2,000 marks were ordered paid over 
to him, letters patent were issued giving him the right to carry on trade with 
England for two years. Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 496. 



ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII 



M 



towns in a position of defense, Hubert also granted more general con- 
cessions. On November 14, by letters patent, the mayor and bailiffs 
of Bordeaux were ordered to protect and defend the citizens and 
merchants of Dax who might come to those parts with merchandise, 
to receive them well and to permit no infraction of the liberties they 
held from Richard and John,^^ Earlier in the year — on July 10 — 
the king, at the petition of the citizens of Bordeaux, conceded to 
them a commune and an elective mayor, merely commanding the 
election of a mayor loyal to him.self.^'^ Now Bordeaux had long had 
a commune, but before this time had the mayor been elective? It 
would seem difficult or impossible to answer such a question with 
certainty. If the mayor was already elective, this privilege was 
merely a confirmation oi existing conditions ; yet that such a con- 
firmation was valuable to the members of the commune would be 
indicated by the fact of their petition. Yet the right to choose a 
mayor may have been a new concession. We have seen that during 
most of the administration of Savary de Mauleon but one person 
held this office, Amaubin d'Alhan. This might suggest that the 
mayor was appointive, or else that Savary was interfering with his 
free election — in either case a sufficient reason for a royal grant. 
Possibly the mayor had been appointed by the seneschal up to the an- 
archy following the death of John. With the collapse of the English 
power in the opening of Henry's reign, we may well imagine that 
the townspeople began to elect their mayors. In that case Savary 
may have restored the old method and the townspeople regretted 
their recently-tasted freedom. If so, now was surely an opportune 
time to secure the privilege. At any rate the change, if change there 
was, made little difiference with the character of the mayors, since 
we find Peter Viger, who had preceded d'Alhan in office, now elected 
to succeed him. Whatever the exact meaning of the concession, it 

^'^Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 498. 
'• Ibid., 449. 



48 ENGLISH RULB IN GASCON Y 

was, if we may trust the language of the document, a real concession, 
that is, something desired and asked for by the commune. 

Such a series of concessions as we have now enumerated can only 
have been intended to rally and consolidate a pro-English party on 
the continent. Evidently the English government regarded the 
towns as most important to its hold on Gascony. Especially was this 
true of Bordeaux, the largest and most important of the southern 
towns. The test of this policy was now to come, for Louis, having 
conquered Poitou, turned on Gascony. 

Remaining at Poitiers himself, the French king sent his army and 
the count of La Marche to the conquest of the south.^'^ There was 
no English force to oppose them and no seneschal to direct a resist- 
ance. The nobles were probably indifferent, friendly or frightened; 
some of the towns yielded without a blow. In a short time St. £mi- 
lion, St. Macaire, Langon, La Reole and Bazas were in the hands 
of the French. It seemed for a moment that Gascony might be won 
as easily as Poitou, but the hopes of such an easy victory were speed- 
ily shattered by the resistance of Bordeaux. Commanding as it did 
the commerce of the Garonne its position as well as its wealth and 
population made it essential to a permanent occupation of the south, 
and Bordeaux soon showed herself stubbornly loyal to the English 
cause. Had Louis advanced with his whole force he might, perhaps, 
have won;^^ but various causes prevented such energetic action. 
Summer was advanced, the pope was protesting, and the French 
king decided to suspend the campaign for the winter. That it would 
be renewed, however, there seemed little doubt.^® 

Having returned to Paris, in September, Louis was welcomed 
as a conqueror and made haste to secure his hold upon his new pos- 

'^Luchaire, in L'avisse, Histoire de France, IIP, 287; Shirley, Royal Let- 
ters, I, 236. 

" Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 410. 
^'Ihid. 



ATTACK OP LOUIS VIII 49 

sessions. Realizing, doubtless, the instability of his position on the 
Garonne, he sought to counterbalance the resistance of Bordeaux. 
To La Reole and St. fimilion he granted exemption from all customs 
in Poitou,*° hoping doubtless to compensate them for the loss of their 
river commerce.*^ 

With matters in such shape Henry could not afiford to relax his 
grip on any part of Gascony. It was essential that the castles be put 
in loyal hands and the townspeople seemed more trustworthy than 
the barons. On November 14, by letters patent, he placed the castles 
of Dax, La Fave and Farina, with the adjacent territory, under the 
control of the citizens of Dax, Bayonne and Bordeaux.'*^ Such action 
is especially noteworthy when we remember that in Poitou many 
chatelains had sold their castles to Louis.*^ 

Such was the posture of affairs at the close of 1224. Matters 
were serious indeed, but not yet desperate. Soon after, September 
21, Hugh de Vivona wrote to the king to set forth the situation. He 
states the successes of the French king and the towns that have 
yielded to him; but he adds that the citizens of St. fimilion and La 
Reole have refused to allow any French soldiers within their walls. 
Nothing has been lost, he declares, that may not be easily recovered 
if the king will but send aid and that at once.** 

Such optimistic reports found the English government in a posi- 
tion to take more active measures. Faukes de Breaute had at last 
been crushed and Hubert could turn his attention to the continent. 
He would seem to have felt little enthusiasm for the war, still he 

*" Lucbaire, in Lavisse, Histoire de Prance, IIP, 287. 

*^ Bordeaux would appear to have closed the river against all commerce, 
for the first part of 1225 is marked by three letters patent giving merchants 
license to trade there and forbidding the Bordelais to interfere with them. 
No such licenses have occurred before and at this time they would seem sug- 
gestive. 

*^ Pat. Rolls, 1216-1225, 497. 

**IyUchaire, in Lavisse, Histoire de Prance, IIP, 287. 

" Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 236. 



50 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



could not allow the king in whose name he governed tO' be despoiled 
without an effort. At a meeting of the Great Council he was given 
a fifteenth of rents and chattels expressly for the recovery of Poitou.*^ 
It has been computed that these grants brought in, in the end, about 
57,000 pounds. Thus for the first time since Henry's accession the 
English authorities on the continent would have money. Nor were 
alliances, whatever they might turn out to be worth, wanting. Though 
the pope had so signally aided him, Henry's advisers felt no scruple 
at promising secret aid to the excommunicated count of Toulouse.*^ 
Peter Mauclerc of Brittany was also enlisted as an ally and the sail- 
ors of Gascony and the Cinque Ports were let loose."*^ 

The expedition with its way thus prepared was placed in charge 
of Richard, earl of Cornwall and younger brother of the king. As 
Richard was but sixteen years of age, veteran advisers accompanied 
him and held the real command. The force despatched from Eng- 
land was indeed small, but reinforcements would be easy to find if 
there were funds to pay them. 

In May, 1225, Richard landed at Bordeaux with a small force.*^ 
He was greeted by all the citizens, in the presence of the archbishop, 
and letters from his royal brother were read in which the king hum- 
bly supplicated' — hmniliter supplicavit^^ — ^all his faithful subjects of 
those parts to give Richard an amiable reception and to lend him 
aid and counsel in recovering his territories. This royal appeal did 
not fall upon deaf ears. In April Peter Viger had been succeeded as 
mayor by Amaneus Colom. Apparently, then, the wine merchants 
controlled the commune. Richard could, indeed, look forward to 
supplies of money from England ; still they would seem hardly to 
have been sufficient for his need. The towns of Bordeaux and Bay- 

*' Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 410. 

*'Luchaire, in Lavisse, Histoire de France, IIP, 288. 

"Davis, Ihid. 

** Luchaire, Ihid. 

*°Wendover, Chronica, II, 283. 



ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII 



51 



onne- — either at this time or a Httle later — came to his assistance and 
voted him a mala tolta or special tax,^° and Peter de Bosco, a citizen 
of Bordeaux, advanced him money for the purchase of horses. ^^ 

In the early part of August Richard received from England a 
shipment of treasure, which comprised 6,000 marks of silver, besides 
gold, jewels and other precious objects.^^ With this support and 
the revenues from the mala tolta the English cause rapidly gained 
ground. The French hold upon the Gascon towns seems never to 
have been strong. We have seen them refusing to admit French 
soldiers. The French power, therefore, rested merely on the pres- 
ence of their army and their garrisons in various castles such as 
that of Ea Reole. Apparently considering it necessary to their posi- 
tion, the French again attempted to gain Bordeaux, and this time by 
winning the archbishop. They offered to endow him and his succes- 
sors with "competent revenues" if he would change sides, but he re- 
fused and reported their offers to the king. To avenge themselves 
they seized some of his revenues at La Rochelle and refused to allow 
him to enter the territory they held.^^ 

Richard and his forces moved against the various towns and 
castles of Gascony that had been taken. The castle of La Reole was 
captured after a long seige ; the towns of Bazas and St. Macaire 
yielded ; Bergerac was blockaded and its lord recalled to his fidelity ; 
Hugh of Lusignan was defeated in an attempt to raise the siege of 
La Reole.^* Little by little all Gascony returned to English rule, 

Gascony had been saved by the close of 1225 ; but the English 
did not yet acquiesce in the loss of Poitou. Richard still continued 

^"Rymer, Foedera, I, 287; Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 150. The tax in question 
was one on commercial transactions; see Langlois, in Lavisse, Histoire de 
France, III", 253. 

"Po^. Rolls, 1216-1225, 543. 

^^ S'hirley, Royal Letters, I, 261, 262. 

°' Rymer, Foedera, I, 278. 

^* Wendover, Chronica, II, 284; Lettres de rois, I, 35. 



52 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



war, and his treasure being exhausted he was forced to rely more 
or less on the Bordeaux wine merchants. On February 5, King- 
Henry paid 32 pounds, 10 shillings to William Raymond (perhaps 
W. R. Colom) of Bordeaux, which he had advanced for the royal 
use.^^ In the same month he paid 500 marks to William Raymond 
Colom and his brother Rustengo and 200 marks to Amaneus Colom, 
which sums had been lent to Richard. In May he paid Amaneus 
Colom and William Bernard 200 pounds which they had advanced 
to his brother.^*' In June he announced that the money — amount not 
specified — which Amaneus Colom, William Raymond Colom and 
Bernard d' Acra had advanced to William Lungspe would be repaid 
them.^'^ Finally, in December, he wrote tO' Amaneus and W. R. 
Colom asking them to lend 1,000 pounds to his brother.^^ Such loans 
may have had great importance to the English cause, though how 
great we can scarcely estimate. 

Louis, involved in a renewal of the Albigensian crusade, had so 
far offered no very energetic resistance to the English. The pope 
also came to Henry's aid and gave him what support he was able. 
In January he issued a mandate to a number of the Poitevin lords, 
among them the count of La Marche and the viscount of Thouars, 
commanding them to return at once to their allegiance to the English 
king, notwithstanding any oaths they may have taken to the contrary, 
and giving orders that if they do not obey they are to be compelled 
thereto by papal sentence. Moreover, he exhorted the archbishop of 
Dublin to obtain a subsidy for the king from the churches of Ire- 
land.®^ In June, he commanded Louis to recall his letters of banish- 
ment against the archbishop of Bordeaux. 

^^ Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 13; Rot. litt. claus., II, 94 b. 
^^Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 21. 
"Rot. litt. claus., II, 122b. 
^^Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 95. 
^^ Papal Letters, I, 104, 105. 



ATTACK OP LOUIS VIII 53 

This support may have been worth much to the English, although 
the Poitevin lords, such as the count of La Marche, had never shown 
any great fear of papal mandates. Of far more service to their 
cause, however, was the death of the energetic Louis in October, 
1226, which left an infant king under the regency of a woman. True, 
the womian in question was Blanche of Castile, but her ability and 
resolution had yet to be revealed, and her accession was followed by 
an outbreak of turbulence on the part of the French nobles, jealous 
of the growing power of the crown. 

Under these circumstances Richard made some headway. By the 
grant of Niort the count of La Marche was won over,"*' and a simi- 
lar policy won other lords as well.''^ The regency of Blanche of Cas- 
tile was viewed with much dissatisfaction by the feudal lords. Among 
those thus discontented Richard soon found allies. Yet the advan- 
tage to the English was slight. Blanche acted with vigor*^^ and the 
combination fell to pieces as its members were intent only in pursu- 
ing their individual interest. Richard, deserted by his treacherous 
Poitevins, concluded a truce with the French and returned to Eng- 
land in May, 1227.*'^ 

Henry, who had just declared himself of age to govern, might 
well think it prudent to reward those men in Gascony to whom he 
owed, to some extent, the preservation of a remnant of his conti- 
nental empire. In June he granted letters of protection of indefinite 
duration to Raymond and Arnold de Port of La Reole, nephews of 
Bernard d' Acra."* Very possibly they had been leaders in the Eng- 
lish faction in that town, or perhaps it was merely the influence of 
their uncle in Bordeaux which secured them the favor. On October 

'"Rymer, Poedera, I, 288; S'hirley, Royal Letters, I, 301. 
°^ Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 302. 
** Langlois, in Lavisse, Histoire de Prance, IIP, 7. 

** Wendover, Chronica, II, 320. The truce was signed July 17. Rymer, 
Poedera, I, 294. 

^ Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 128. 



54 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



I, Henry conferred on Rustengo de Solers for his homage and ser- 
vice the lands which Chitre had in La Foreste, Les Cumes, and Cor- 
byac. This Chitre, it will be remembered, had been given the estate 
of Beggles for life by Richard and the Bordelais had got into 
trouble by seizing it. These other lands were now conferred on Rus- 
tengo — not for life, but in perpetuity — and in return therefor he was 
to render annually to the king a sore-hawk.®^ Rustengo also called 
attention to the debt for the wine which John had seized and for 
which the king had promised payment at the beginning of his reign. 
The government, impoverished as it had hitherto been, had seemingly 
not yet discharged this debt, and it now compounded with Rustengo 
for 60 marks to be paid in three installments.®^ 

When Richard returned to England the acute crisis in the fate 
of Gascony was passed. The truce with France had' marked the 
abandonment, for the time being, of the attempt to expel the Plante- 
genets. For the present, at least, they were to retain their diminished 
territories on the continent. The war, however, had not been with- 
out its results. The greater part of Poitou remained in French 
hands, but Gascony they had failed to conquer. From the accession 
of John till 1225 the English power had steadily declined. Bit by 
bit their territories had been seized by the rising French monarchy. 
Now, however, the most serious effort of the French to drive them 
wholly from the continent had failed, though made under the most 
favorable conditions, and one considerable province still remained 
in their hands. The reason for the French failure we have already 
seen. It was Bordeaux that checked the French advance. The 
towns had aided the EngHsh to recover their lost ground and drive 
the French from Gascony. They form.ed, we may conclude, the basis 
of the English power. But for the towns it would seem that Gascony 
would have fallen either to Alfonso or to Louis. The reason for 

*= Charter Rolls, I, 61. 

^^ Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 146. 



ATTACK OF LOUIS VIII 55 

this loyalty we have already seen in part. At Bordeaux the commune 
was apparently controlled by a group of merchants trading with 
England, and hence anxious to maintain the connection of the Gascon 
duchy and the English crown. Bayonne, with the carrying trade 
of the coast in her hands and extensive interests in the trade between 
Bordeaux and England, worked for the same end. No doubt the 
favors they received were instrumental in promoting their devotion, 
but they were not wholly responsible for creating it. Back of priv- 
ileges and favors there lay the permanent force of economic interest 
binding the Gascon communes to the English cause. Where such 
interests did not exist for the king to build upon, favors and conces- 
sions were of little permanent use. Such seems to have been, in 
large part, the case in Poitou. There, moreover, the towns were 
overshadowed to some extent by the turbulent nobility. The towns 
could not, therefore, in this region, form a solid basis for English 
rule as they had done in Gascony, and this basis being lacking, allian- 
ces with the shifty and treacherous feudal lords were but a sorry 
substitute and could not give the English king a durable supremacy. 



CHAPTER IV 

GASCONY IN 1227-1230 AND HENRY'S FIRST EXPEDITION 
AGAINST POITOU 

Administration of Henry de Trubleville. His relations with the nobles and 
the towns. Parties in the towns, their origin and character. Expedition 
of Henry against Poitou, in 1230. Support given by the towns, military 
and financial. 

The; war with France closed, the English government had to 
face the same problem that had confronted it before the attack oi 
Louis VIII, namely, to construct a central government in Gascony 
which could maintain order in the midst of the many elements of 
discord which that province contained. One advantage the southern 
region had over Poitou, there were few such great feudal princes 
as the count of La Marche and viscount of Thouars. Only one 
such seigneur was to be found, namely, the viscount of Beam. The 
place of the great seigneurs in the south was taken by many lesser 
barons and by the powerful communes. Yet these were sufficiently 
difficult of control. 

After Richard's return to England, Henry — or Hubert who still 
governed in his name — appointed a certain Henry de Trubleville as 
seneschal. In order to increase his revenues, the king, on October 
22, requested the towns of Bayonne and Bordeaux to continue for 
two years the mala tolta in wine which they had granted to Richard, 
promising that he would then renounce all right to it both for himself 
and his successors.^ Trubleville, armed with this concession, was 

^Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 150. 



GASCONY FROM 1227 TO 1230 57 

in a position to take up with better hopes of success the old problems 
that had baffled Geoffrey Neville and Savary de Mauleon. The 
loss of Poitou was in itself an assistance. Rid of entanglements in 
the north he could devote all his energy to Gascony, where indeed he 
found enough to occupy him. 

At the very beginning of his administration two general parties 
seemed to define themselves in the province ; on the one side stood 
the townspeople and on the other the various feudal lords. The rea- 
sons for the opposition of two such elements are surely not far to 
seek. The seigneurs might derive advantage from innumerable prac- 
tices and conditions to which the burghers — at least a large number 
of them — were opposed. Opportunities of friction would be almost 
innumerable. There was not a toll or a due exacted by a baron which 
might not arouse the anger and resentment of one or another of the 
towns. But the chaos struck yet deeper; for several of the towns 
were torn by bitter factional disputes. Evidently the task of main- 
taining order would be no light one for the seneschal. 

Trubleville had scarcely arrived in his province when he found 
himself involved in the disputes which disturbed the country. In as 
much as, at a later time, the nobles took occasion to laud him as an 
ideal seneschal we may surmise that he deemed it wise to side with 
them to a considerable degree. It was perhaps a result of this 
tendency toward an aristocratic alliance, manifest at the very begin- 
ning of his administration, which involved him in trouble with the 
towns. Bayonne, whose relations with the neighboring seigneurs 
were not of the friendliest, refused at the start to render him the 
customary oath.^ He appealed to the king, asking him tO' force the 
unruly citizens to adopt a more loyal attitude, and besought Rustengo 
de Soler, who had been appointed custodian of Bayonne, for aid in 
his difficulties. The citizens had engaged in a bitter private war 

* Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 317. 



58 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

with some of the surrounding lords. They were now devastating the 
lands of their foes and seizing their men, and both Rustengo and the 
seneschal found themselves powerless to protect the nobles, who in 
vain appealed to them, protesting their entire willingness to do 
full justice to the burghers. The Bayonnese proved utterly refrac- 
tory and resisted all attempts of Trubleville and his ally to restrain 
them. In despair the seneschal and the custodian besought the 
king to detain all Bayonnese ships in English ports as a means of 
coercing the turbulent citizens.^ 

Whether or not the king complied with this request we are not 
informed ; but the seneschal was apparently aided by disturbances 
in the town itself. Bayonne had hitherto seemed to act as a unit 
against the nobles ; but the burghers were in reality divided into two 
parties whose mutual hostility now displayed itself in riots. The 
leaders of these factions were John Dardir and Michael de Mans. 
According to the provisions of the Etablissements de Rouen, extend- 
ed to Bayonne by John, the mayor was named by the king from a 
list of three candidates presented to him by the commune. In the 
spring of 1228 the commune made the usual nominations, and, on 
April 4, the king authorized Trubleville to make choice in his place.* 
Concerning the party affiliations of the three candidates there is 
nothing to be found. One of them may have been affiliated with the 
Mans party or one may have made terms with Trubleville in return 
for the appointment. It is not impossible that the seneschal ignored 
the list altogether and named a mayor independently, as later senes- 
chals were to do.^ Whatever the means employed, it would seem 
from what followed that the control of the commune passed to the 
Mans faction, which seems to have been favored by the seneschal. 

^ Ibid., 319. 

* Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 98. 

"Nicholas de Molis thus appointed Peter Rosset (Pierre Darroseis) and 
William de Boell named J. Dardir. Balasque, Etudes, II, 99- 



GASCONY FROM 1227 TO 1230 59 

Whether or not these conjectures be accurate, it is at least certain 
that the two parties soon came to blows and' that the Dardir faction, 
instead of acting through the commune, as doubtless they would 
have done had they been in control of that body, formed a confrater- 
nity and expelled from the city a number of the leaders of the rival 
party, among them Michael de Mans and his sons. In dealing with 
this situation Trubleville sought the royal sanction and support. 
Declaring that if such an organization as the confraternity were 
permitted the royal authority would be at an end, he applied to the 
bishop of Chichester to persuade the king not only to forbid the 
confraternity but to request the church authorities to excommunicate 
its members.*' Whether or not the church took action the king, at 
any rate, replied to Trubleville's letter by letters patent dissolving the 
confraternity and commanding the mayor, jurats and commune of 
Bayonne to reinstate the banished citizens.'^ 

Not only was Trubleville drawn into factional disputes at Bay- 
onne but he was likewise involved in similar strife at Bordeaux. 
There as at Bayonne two parties contended for the mastery. One of 
these was led by the powerful Soler family and bore their name, the 
other by the not less powerful and wealthy Coloms and hence styled 
the Colombines. At Trubleville's arrival the Colombines were in 
power, with Amaneus Colom as mayor. In 1228 he was 
succeeded by Alexander de Cambis, a member of the Soler faction. 
The seneschal seems to have allied himself with the Solers, perhaps 
he had a hand in their elevation to power. At any rate, he was soon 
involved in a struggle with their rivals. Amaneus Colom owed 
money to Savary de Mauleon. The king, possibly at the suggestion 
of Trubleville, seized such of the wine of Amaneus as he could find 
in London and Southampton.^ Terms were finally arranged by 

' Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 327. 

''Patent Rolls, 1225-1232, 192; also Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 330. 

* Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 136. 



6o ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

William Raymond Colom for the discharge of the debt.^ The dispute 
began in May, and apparently with an attempt of Trubleville's to 
collect the debt in Gascony.^° This can hardly have increased the 
friendship of the Colombines for the seneschal. At any rate, the 
close of the year saw an outbreak of actual violence in Bordeaux. 
Unfortunately we know little of the trouble beyond the fact of its 
occurrence and who were the victors. Probably the Colombines 
revolted against the seneschal, allied as he was with the Solers. 
Order was, however, restored and in a letter patent dated February 
13, 1229, the king formally expresses his gratitude to those who 
supported the seneschal in the late disturbance in the city and assisted 
him to restore order.^^ He names in this connection Arnulf de La 
Lande, Arnulf Lamberti, Peter Lamberti, Raymond Brun, Rustengo 
de Soler, Bernard d' Acra, William Rustani, Ruffatus Beger, Ama- 
neus Daylans, Raymond Cristian, Raymond de Muneer, Raymond de 
Cambus.^^ These men and their friends, whether knights or citizens, 
the king thanks, extends to them his protection, and promises that 
he will impose no fines on the participants in the late disturbances 
except with their advice. Herein the dominant party would seem 
to be shielding their rivals. Possibly the enmity was not yet deep or 
bitter between the two, perhaps the Soler faction feared that too 
great severity would produce a reaction in favor of a party that was, 
doubtless, still powerful. Be that as it may, the Soler party with 
Trubleville's help became dominant in the commune. The mayor 
for 1229 is William Rustengo and for 1230 Raymond Monader, one 
of the citizens thanked by the king. The next year we find Amfrac 
Lambert in ofifice, very possibly a relative of the Lamberts mentioned 

^ Ibid., 142. 

^"Ihid., 52. 

^Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 240; also Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 344. 

" I have reproduced the spelling of the family names as it is in the royal 
letter. As will be seen it dififers in some cases from that which I have 
adopted. 



GASCONY FROM 1227 TO 1230 61 

in the king's letter, or even, perhaps, the same as the Arnulf Lambert 
therein mentioned. 

Thus the two chief towns of Gascony were torn by party strife 
in which the seneschal was forced to intervene. These party divisions 
were not temporary accidents but were destined to endure for many 
years. What, then, was their real nature ? Such a question is com- 
plex and difficult to answer with certainty. Various conjectures 
have been advanced. Balasque, whose opinion in all matters con- 
cerning Bayonne is entitled to great weight, thinks that in both 
Bayonne and Bordeaux the strife was between an aristrocratic anti- 
English party and a democratic pro-English party. Giry follows his 
opinion regarding the Bayonnense factions,^^ and Bemont takes the 
same view as to Bayonne but thinks that at Bordeaux the struggles 
were between groups of equally wealthy and aristrocratic burghers.^* 

These conclusions seem somewhat dubious, at least, in their ap- 
plication to the period here under discussion. One of the parties 
does appear as more antagonistic to the feudal nobility than the 
other but they have equally rich and prominent leaders, drawn in 
both cases from the municipal aristocracy. So far as leadership goes, 
neither can be called democratic nor can one be said to be more 
popular than the other. Balasque, even while calling the parties in 
Bayonne democratic and aristocratic expressly points out that the 
leaders of both belong tO' the "haute bourgeoisie'" and are descended 

" "La consequence la plus daire de I'introduction a Bayonne des £tab- 
lissements fut de contribuer a y etablir une aristocratic bourgeoise et mar- 
chande,d'ydevelopperrantagonisme des classes et d'y favoriser les dissensions. 
Le parti aristocratique fut constitue par les proprietaires, les commerQants 
et surtout les marchands de vins ; le parti populaire se composa des gens de 
mer, des calfats, des clharpentiers, des cordiers, des tanneurs et de tous les 
membres des diverses corporations d'artisans. Ce fut la le parti royaliste 
anglais. VolontierSj les gros bourgeois firent cause commune avec les barons 
de Gas'cogne et prirent parti pour eux dians les guerres suscitees par leur 
mecontentement." Giry, &ab. de Rouen, I, 109. 

" See his introduction to the Roles Gascons. 



62 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

from the most ancient and powerful families in the city.^^ We have 
already had ample evidence that in Bordeaux the Coloms were fully 
as rich and prominent as the Solers,^^ Nor can there be found any 
indication that either party had anything in the nature of a popular 
prog-ram. Hence, although it may be true that the one had in some 
cases a larger popular following than the other yet we can scarcely 
call them aristrocratic and democratic, in the modern sense of these 
terms. 

The question, then, would seem to be not why one faction had a 
more popular following than the other but rather why the communal 
aristocracy should be so divided. Certain facts would suggest that 
the division corresponded to some extent to diverging lines of com- 
mercial interest. At Bayonne, for example, there existed a very con- 
siderable Spanish trade as well as that which went north toward 
Bordeaux and England. Of the leaders of the twO' factions at 
Bayonne Dardir headed that which Balasque considers the pro-Eng- 
lish party, and Michael de Mans the anti-English party. It is 
surely suggestive to find that Michael had extensive interests in 
Spain and ended his days at San Sebastian.^''' In Bordeaux, also, 
we shall see that while scarcely any of the persons figuring in the 
Soler party can be identified with the English trade, scarcely any of 
the prominent Colombines cannot be so identified.^^ RustengO' de 
Soler was, as we have seen, engaged in this commerce in the reign 
of John, but after that time no further reference is made to him in 
that connection. Moreover, the first act of the Soler party when 
installed in power at Bordeaux after the riot, is suggestive of another 
line of interests. Trubleville, like his predecessors, found his reve- 
nues insufficient. Under these circumstances, he suggested tO' the king 

" Etudes, II, 97. 

" See t'heir loans to Richard of Cornwan noticed in the preceding chapter. 

" Balasque, Rtudes, II, 166-7. 

"^ For a discussion of this point see chapter viii. 



GASCONY FROM 1227 TO 1230 63 

the advisibility of increasing the resources of the treasury by doub- 
ling the duty on wine collected at Sandwich.^^ This had formerly 
been two denarii to the dolium and would thus become four. Such 
a suggestion was not remarkable from the seneschal, but it is surely 
significant to find his proposal endorsed by two members of the 
Soler party, Bernard d' Acra and Boniface Viger. Certainly men 
deeply interested in the wine trade would be little likely tO' look with 
favor upon such a proposition. 

These facts would seem to point to a difference in economic 
interest behind the party divisions in the Gascon towns. In such 
case we should have, on the one hand, a group of wealthy merchants 
chiefly concerned in the English wine trade, with such supporters 
as they could rally to their side, and, on the other, those wealthy 
burghers who were less interested in the trade with England than 
in other lines of business. Such an initial difference would lead to 
many others. A merchant in Bayonne whose business lay with 
Spain would naturally take a different attitude toward many matters 
of policy from that of his neighbor who looked to England for his 
market. 

Another fact in favor of such an interpretation of the party 
divisions is found in the close affiliation of the corresponding factions 
in different towns. Thus, in 1254, Peter Calhau, one of the popular 
leaders at Bordeaux, stands as a pledge for Peter Rosset, one of the 
popular leaders at Bayonne,^" and we shall see evidence of the close 
affiliation of the so-called popular factions in Bordeaux and the 
neighboring towns of La Reole and Bazas. ^^ The opposition parties 
were likewise connected, but not perhaps quite so closely. Such 
relations are not easy to explain on the simple theory of aristocratic 
and democratic factions, but once a commercial element enters in, it 

^^ Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 153. 
''"Pat. Rolls. 1247-1258, 319. 
" See chapter viii. 



64 BNGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

becomes quite simple and indeed inevitable. If one party in Bayonne 
was interested in the trade between Bordeaux and England it would 
necessarily be closely associated with the merchants there who 
shipped their wine to England in Bayonnese vessels. We may, 
therefore, feel warranted in concluding that commercial interests 
played a large part in the factional strife of the Gascon towns. 

Yet this is far from being the whole story. The suggestion of 
Balasque that, at Bayonne, one party allied itself with the Gascon 
nobility is deserving of some consideration. Throughout Gascony 
there would seem to have been two general parties, the barons who 
profited by various abuses, and others who were injured by them.^^ 
Now it is surely not without significance that the Solers seem to 
have been closely associated with the baronial party and that Michael 
de Mans was related to the family of the viscounts of Labourd.^^ 
Thus the general statement of Balasque would seem to meet with 
confirmation. If that be the case then we should have in both Bor- 
deaux and Bayonne two parties ; one closely indentified with English 
commerce and standing in general hostility to the barons; the other 
not so closely indentified with this branch of commerce and tending 
to ally itself with the feudal nobility. The attitude of the seneschal 
goes far to verify such a conclusion. When, later on, the Gascon 
barons presented their complaints against Simon de Montfort they 
distinctly describe Trubleville as having been an ideal seneschal, in 
contrast with Simon, whom they pictured as the very reverse.^* 
Now it is significant to find that Trubleville, who evidently favored 

-^ Balasque, £tudes, II, 92. 

'' Ibid., g6. 

==* Matthew Paris makes the barons say "Henricus de Trublevilla, qui 
auctoritate vestra senescallus fuerat Wasconiae et custos noster pius et Justus 
nobis pacifice praeerat similiter et dominus Waleranus Theuto, vir quidem 
discretus et circumspectus" . . . Chronica Majora, V, 295. Some allow- 
ance should be made for the rhetorical exaggeration but on the whole it is 
evident that Trubleville stood well witli the barons. 



GASCONY FROM 1227 TO 1230 65 

the nobility, allied himself with the "aristocratic" and "anti-English" 
party both in Bayonne and Bordeaux, and that Simon, who opposed 
the nobles, was closely leagued with the "popular" party. We may 
conclude, then, with some degree of confidence that of the twO' fac- 
tions in the towns one tended to alliance with the neighboring seig- 
neurs. Such a policy might have been dictated by economic motives 
as distinctly as the royalist proclivity of their opponents. Men 
whose commerce lay mainly in the directions of Beam and Navarre 
or those whose landed possessions were at the mercy of these 
nobles or their allies might naturally seek alliance with the lords. 
One may perhaps have included the majority of the lower classes 
in some towns, so that we may easily accept all the statements of 
Giry and Balasque regarding a popular and aristocratic party at 
Bayonne and yet conclude that this was hardly the real basis of the 
division. 

With the suppression of disorder in Bordeaux and Bayonne 
Gascony seems to have enjoyed a few years of relative quiet from 
internal dissensions. The main interest now lay in the renewal oi 
the war with France, provoked this time by King Henry himself. In 
1227 he had been declared of age a second time and this action seems 
to have been intended by Hubert as a means of getting rid of Peter 
des Roches, his rival in the government.^^ This declaration seems 
to have had more reality than the first, for from this time on Henry 
began to take part in state affairs. He had never accepted his re- 
verses in Poitou as final and affairs seemed now to open up possibil- 
ities of recovering the lost ground. The truce was about to expire 
and allies were offering themselves. The French nobles chafed 
under Queen Blanche and were not averse to an alliance with 
England. In 1228 Norman envoys sought Henry's aid for a rebel- 
lion which had broken out there. Hubert, always out of sympathy 

^' Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 411. 



66 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

with continental adventures, dissuaded the king from active interven- 
tion, but the next year Henry was resolute.^^ He put forward im- 
possible demands on France-^ and sought allies for a renewal of the 
war. The most promising ally whom he was able to obtain was Petef 
Mauclerc, count of Brittany. With high hopes he made his prepa- 
rations for the expedition when an unforseen event prevented his 
departure. When his troops were assembled at Portsmouth it was 
found that sufficient shipping had not been provided. Though 
Henry, wild with passion, called Hubert a hoary traitor and threaten- 
ed' him with drawn sword,^^ nevertheless the facts could not be 
altered and the expedition had to be postponed'. 

In the spring of 1230 the expedition did at last set out, though 
not it would seem in great force. The muster roll shows but 275 
barons, kniights and men-at-arms. The foot-soldiers we cannot 
reckon, but as Henry took with him 7,800 marks of silver we may 
surmise that he intended to enlist men on the continent.^'' Accord- 
ing to the plan, the king landed in Brittany, to join and support his 
ally. 

In his campaign he was aided by the insubordination in the ranks 
of the French. The feudal army of Queen Blanche refused to 
serve beyond the required forty days and broke up as soon as this 
time elapsed. Philip of Boulogne and his followers, quitting the royal 
forces, ravaged Champagne, and Blanche with what troops remained 
turned to his pursuit, thus leaving the English to carry on theii 
operations unchecked.=^° To Henry two courses were open, to march 
north to the help of the Norman rebels or south against Poitou. 
Hubert's advice decided him to adopt the latter plan and he moved 

"* lUd., 412. 

" Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 350. 
^ Davis, England, 412-13. 

'" Ramsay, Dawn of the Constitution, 55. Ramsay estimates tihe value of 
this sum at £5,200. 

^^ Davis, England, 413. 



GASCONY FROM 1227 TO 1230 67 

south into Aquitaine. Possibly Hubert's arguments derived part 
of their force from a letter of Sir Geoffrey Beauchamp to the king, 
telling him that his presence alone could save the south from passing 
to the French through anarchy and treason. ^^ We can hardly avoid 
a suspicion that this account is, at the least, much exaggerated, since 
we find little or no confirmation of it elsewhere and since Henry in 
his southern expedition did little but borrow money. Indeed, the 
diversion into Gascony seems to have been a decided blunder. All 
Henry did was to besiege Mirabeau and then push on to Bordeaux. 
Stopping there only a very short time, he set off again for the north. 
To Henry it seemed 'that the chief obstacle in the way of his 
success was the lack of money. In July he had written to his chan- 
cellor from Pons, urging him to be diligent in forwarding money, as 
with it the campaign could be carried through successfully.^^ Failing 
to receive sufficient supplies from England, Henry turned for support 
to the burghers. Possibly his southern digression had this for one 
of its purposes, at any rate it seems to have been so used ; but the king 
had already begun to appeal to the citizens from the moment of his 
landing. While still engaged in the siege of Mirabeau he called 
upon the mayor, jurats and commune of Bordeaux for military en- 
gines and bolts for crossbows to carry on the operations,^^ and 
summoned the militia of La Reole to his aid. But it was in money 
that the citizens gave the king their most valuable support. Henry 
had landed on May 23. On June 6 he acknowledged a number of 
loans. From John le Mercer he borrowed 133 pounds 5 shillings, 
from Raymond Makayn and his associate merchants 542 pounds 6 
pence, and from William Raymond Colom and Colombo de Areis 
1,333 marks 6 shillings. In addition he promised to repay to Bernard 
Raymond de St. George, citizen of Dax, 100 marks, to Peter Bayz of 

'' Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 367. 

^^ Letters de rots, I, 36. 

^' Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 422. 



68 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

Bayonne 90 pounds, to two- citizens of La Reole 125 pounds, and 
finally to two citizens of Bazas, 81 pounds 5 shillings.-"'* Apparently 
the king used his brief stay at Bordeaux for the same purpose, for, 
on August 12, he acknowledged a new set of debts. The Mayor, 
Raymond Monader — one of those thanked in connection with the 
riots the year before, — advanced him 100 marks,^^ and in connection 
with other citizens 200. Amaneus Colom also lent the impecunious 
monarch 200 marks. 

Thus reinforced Henry marched north through Poitou, but with- 
out gaining any substantial advantages. The gifts and grants of 
Queen Blanche, with whom they had recently concluded treaties,^** 
held the count of La Marche and the viscount of Thouars loyal to 
the French, and without them the lesser lords counted for little. 
Thus if Henry met with no resistance from the Poitevins he equally 
gained no success, and returned to Brittany without accomplishing 
anything of importance. In Brittany a round of feasts and pageants 
consumed what was left of the king's funds, and in September, being 
unable to get more money from England, he returned thither for 
reasons of health.^'^ 

In this abortive campaign the role of the townspeople is evident 
enough. They gave the king support both by their militia and by 
their loans. If, however, the king received their help he naturally 
was expected to make some return. It is not surprising then to 
find the king confirming the commune of St. fimilion,^^ and offering 
no objection when Bordeaux renews her treaty with La Reole.^^ He 
furthermore took care that his decree stopping all commerce with 

'*A11 these debts are acknowledged in the Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 378-379- 
""^Ibid., 391. 

^^ Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 370. 
^^ Davis, England, 414. 
'^ Charter Rolls, I, 124. 

^^O'Reilley, Histoire complete de Bordeaux, I, 363. He claims to base 
hfls account on the manuscript of the treaty in the archives of La Reole. 



GASCONY FROM 1227 TO 1230 69 

the French did not injure the citizens of Gascony. In a number of 
cases where Bayonnese ships were detained in England by the king's 
agentSj he at once released them.*^ These orders of release, also, 
furnish incidental testimony to the extent of the Bayonnese carrying 
trade. One of these ships is loaded with goods from Bordeaux, La 
Reole and other Gascon towns. It had been stopped only because of 
a suspicion that its cargo came from La Rochelle.*^ Three ships 
are loaded with Flemish merchandise.^^ 

^ Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 204, 291, 307, 353, 362, 373, 413. 

*^Ibid., 204. 

^ Ibid., 307 and 413. 



CHAPTER V 

PARTY STRUGGLES IN THE TOWNS 

Condition of the province. Vivona as seneschal. Difficulties of his position. 
Colombines in power at Bordeaux. Trublevi'Ue restored as seneschal. 
Collision with the Colombines at Bordeaux. Soler party restored to 
power there. Increased tranquillity. Dependence of the governiment on 
the townspeople in time of peace. 

Henry's unsuccessful campaign on the continent had not resulted 
in any serious change in the situation of affairs in Gascony. The 
old animosities remained and the old discord was ready to break 
out at a moment's notice. The seneschal was faced by the same 
difficulties and perplexities as before. When Henry departed for 
England he left this important ofifice in the experienced hands of 
Trubleville ; but soon considered it expedient to make a change, for on 
July I Trubleville was dismissed and a successor appointed.^ This 
successor, named Richard de Burgh, does not however appear to 
have actually held ofifice, for on September 30 Hugh de Vivona is 
nominated as seneschal.^ 

It is possible that the change in the administration in Gascony 
was in some part due to the influence of the popular party. At any 
rate, an order of the king issued earlier in the month giving Gaillard 
Colom authority to make some purchases at Montpellier for the royal 

^W'hen no other source is specified, the information concerning the 
seneschal is taken from the list in the Appendix to Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 
399-400. 

^ Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 502. 



PARTY STRUGGLES IN THE TOWNS 



71 



use^ would suggest that the chiefs of that faction had to some extent 
gained the royal ear. This impression is strengthened by the fact 
that the new administration seems clearly to have represented more 
or less of a reaction from that of Trubleville. Thus we find Henry, 
on October 16, instructing Hugh to revoke all lands or other prop- 
erty of the crown alienated by Trubleville as seneschal.* Also, on 
December 19, he ordered the mayor, council and jurats of Bordeaux 
to revoke all such pledges of revenues and sales as had been made by 
Trubleville without the royal sanction, and to give possession in 
such cases to Vivona.^ The doubts of Trubleville's integrity which 
this implies may well have been suggested by the Coloms and their 
allies. 

As to the inquiry into Trubleville's grants of lands and revenues, 
no definite results appear in the rolls. Since, however, the king 
discharged some of his debts and afterward sent him back again as 
seneschal, it would seem likely that no very serious abuses were 
discovered. Some, however, of the new seneschal's difficulties may 
have had their origin in the attempt on his part to revoke grants of 
his predecessor, but the documents give no indications that this was 
the case. 

That Hugh de Vivona to some extent modified the policy of 
Trubleville is farther suggested by the nature of the troubles in which 
he soon involved himself. These are first traceable in the rolls 
of 1233, but undoubtedly begin earlier, for the royal intervention 
would hardly be expected till the matter had already been for some- 
time pending. In other words, Vivona would not be likely to invoke 
the king's authority till he had found his own inadequate to the case 
in hand. 

Among the troubles of the seneschal we may especially note his 

^ Lettres de rois, I, 39. See also' Brequigny, LXIII, 117. 
* Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 507. 
^ Ibid., I23'2-I247, 6. 



72 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



quarrels with the former officers of Trubleville. Thus, we find him 
in difficulties with a certain Richard de Poncellis, who had been a 
bailiff under his predecessor and whom Vivona had apparently 
deprived of this office. Poncellis, however, refused to surrender a 
quantity of armour, goods and furniture, and received the protection 
of the canons of the cathedral chapter. Prospering so far in his 
defiance, he went the length of tearing down one of the towers of 
the castle for the purpose of strengthening another tower in the vicin- 
ity which he held. The royal intervention became necessary, and 
on January 2y the king wrote to the archbishop commanding him to 
surrender the rebel, and similar orders were sent to the mayor and 
commune.^ 

A like difficulty was experienced with a certain Randolf de 
Talemunt, to whom Trubleville had given — probably for safe keep- 
ing — a quantity of targes, cross-bows, lances and bows out of the 
castle of Oleron. It required a special order from the king to 
induce him to deliver them up to the seneschal.''' 

Not only did he have such difficulties with particular officers, but 
Vivona found himself unable to obtain possession of all the royal 
castles, for we find Henry addressing mandates to the bishop of 
Bazas and Rustengo de Soler, asking them to help the seneschal in 
his efforts to obtain possession of the castle of Rocheford.^ This 
appeal to the leader of the Soler faction for his good offices would 
seem especially significant. Nor was a single mandate sufficient 
to secure possession of the castle for the seneschal, for the king 
addressed another letter to the constable ordering him to surrender 
his castle to Vivona and accompanied this by a letter to Rustengo 
urging him to assist the seneschal.® 

^Pat. Rolls, Ibid., g. 
' Ibid. 
' Ibid. 
'Ibid., 22. 



PARTY STRUGGLBS IN THB TOWNS 



73 



In addition to such difficulties, Vivona — like all seneschals — had 
financial troubles to meet. The communes of Bordeaux, Bayonne 
and Dax had been commanded by the king to collect the farms of 
their towns at the time of Trubleville's removal. ^° This they would 
seem to have been willing enough to do, but when it came to paying 
over the money to Vivona it was a different matter. Hence, on 
January ii, the king intervened and ordered the mayor, jurats and 
commune of Bordeaux to turn over the rents, dues, etc., of their city 
to the seneschal, and to permit his bailiffs to collect them in the 
future.^^ On January 27 similar orders were dispatched to Bayonne 
and Dax.^^ 

Nor did this end the financial difficulties of the seneschal. Truble- 
ville had left behind him debts which were still unpaid, and Vivona 
was in need of loans for himself. Thus the king pays Raymond 
Monader the 100 marks which he had lent to Trubleville,^^ and in 
August he applied for a loan on Vivona's behalf ; and it is of interest 
to note that the application is made to Colombines, the king asking 
Gaillard Colom, Peter Colom and Arnold William Emeric to advance 
200 marks to the seneschal.^* 

The general turbulence of the province is, also, one of the pressing 
problems of the royal representative. The nobles were not perform- 
ing their duties in the way of adequate policing of the roads and 
the communes were in need of restraint in their encroachments on 
the royal prerogative. Thus Henry issued letters patent to the 
barons and knights of Gascony who had sworn the peace — doubtless 
when the king left the province for England — to guard 
the roads so that the merchants might travel safely and unmolested.^^ 

" Ibid., 23. 

^^ Ibid., 7, 23. 

" Ibid., 9. 

"^ Ibid. 

^* Ibid., 22. The money was advanced by Gaillard Colom; ibid., 89. 

^'Ibid., 7- 



74 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 



He furthermore expressly forbade Bayonne to form confederations 
and commanded the citizens to allow the seneschal to settle any 
difficulties with the men of Bordeaux.^*' This latter city was also 
giving cause for alarm by allowing the men of Entre-deux-Mers to 
join their commune and to escape the obligations which they owed 
the king, and Henry found it necessary to write to the mayor and 
commune forbidding them to receive such applicants for member- 
ship.^'^ 

If, as we have surmised, Vivona attempted to modify his prede- 
cessor's policy, it is not surprising that he should have found himself 
in difficulties with the Solers, who had been favored by Trubleville, 
and who had been dominant in the commune of Bordeaux. The 
attempt to secure loans from Colombine leaders would seem to point 
towards a policy favorable to their party and likely to involve 
the seneschal in the party struggles in the city. From 1229 to 1233 
the mayors had been taken from the Soler j)arty. In 1233, however, 
the mayor was a certain Gaucem Colom. It is not certain that he 
was related to the great family of that name, though this would 
seem by no means unlikely. He succeeded Vigoros Viger, an un- 
doubted member of the Soler party, and his election seems to have 
been accompanied by some degree of royal intervention, for on 
January 13 — before the election, — Henry addressed a mandate to 
the mayor and jurats.^^ He pointed out that the election of a mayor 
had often been a cause of disturbance, and he directed that they 
should, with the council of the city, elect one whose choice would 
cause no dissensions. Either this was an attempt to mediate 
between the factions, or was an attempt to put pressure 
on the jurats in the interest of the Colombines. More probably 
it was intended to serve the interests of a compromise, for there 

"/&jU, 10. 
" Ibid., 23. 
^^hid., 8. 



PARTY STRUGGLES IN THE TOWNS 



75 



seems no reason to conclude that Vivona identified himself with the 
Colomhines. The result in any case was the choice of Gaucem 
Colom, who may have been a moderate member of their party who 
was not especially distasteful to the Solers. This seems the more 
likely as he was succeeded by Raymond Monader, a man of doubtful 
party connections. As, however, he was in turn succeeded by Peter 
Calhau, one of the Colombine leaders, the net result was favorable 
to the Colombines. 

The year 1234 opened with Vivona again in need of money, for 
Henry on January 20 requested the mayor and commune to advance 
the sum of 300 marks, which he promised to repay their messeng-er 
in England.^'' This attempt at raising a new loan was practically 
the last act of Vivona's administration. Either he was weary of 
his office — as earlier seneschals had been — or the king was dissatis- 
fied with the results of bis administration. In any case he is out of 
office in May 1234, although he does not seem to have left the pro- 
vince, where we shall find him a little later, holding important 
positions. 

Whatever the investigation into Trubleville's policy had revealed, 
he seems to have been the most successful of any of Henry's senes- 
chals and to him the king now reverted. He was appointed Vivona's 
successor and Rustengo de Soler was commissioned to act for him 
till he should arrive in Gascony.-° This choice of a deputy was a 
distinct foreshadowing of the new seneschal's future policy and may 
well have been made at his suggestion. 

Eor Trubleville to arrive in Gascony was not quite so simple a 
matter as it may seem at first sight. In that province he had numer- 
ous creditors whose claims were still unpaid and a settlement with 
these was first necessary. His debts amounted, indeed, to the then 
considerable total of 6,000 marks, and the English treasury could ill 

^'Ibid., 38. 
'Ubid., 47. 



y6 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

spare so large a sum. Henry, therefore, on May 25, assigned one 
half the rents, farms, etc., of Bordeaux for five years to discharge 
these loans to his representative, and enumerates the various creditors 
as follows : Ernulf , bishop of Bazas, Rustengo de Soler, Raymond le 
Brun, Elias Viger, Bernard d' Acra, Rostand Eborard, Raymond 
William, Bernard Macheler, Raymond Buchs, Arnold de Peregort, 
William Gauler and Peter Bonafus.^^ 

Of these creditors only one, Raymond le Brun, is demonstrably 
a Colombine, while several are among the prominent leaders of the 
Solers. But the omissions of the list are even more significant. 
Evidently the matter was brought before the king by the Solers or 
their friends, — who took small thought of anyone except their own 
party, — for in the following year Peter Colom and his son William 
Raymond called the king's attention to the fact that, though not 
mentioned in the list, they and others — ^probably their friends — had 
advanced some of the money — indeed a great part of it, as they 
claimed, — and the king directed Soler, who thus seems to have had 
in charge the distribution of the dues, to see that their claims were 
settled with those of the rest.^^ Clearly then the Solers were 
in charge of the matter and had the management of the repayment. 

The appointment of Rostand de Soler as his deputy and the 
arrangement for paying his debts alike point to the conclusion that 
it was as a friend of the Solers that Trubleville took office. Trouble 
with the Colombine-controlled commune of Bordeaux might, then, 
reasonably be expected, and it is not long before we find this antici- 
piation realized. 

The first year of Trubleville's administration passed off quietly 
enough. Special arrangements were made with Soler and Gaillard 
Colom for the repayment of the money lent by them,^^ A quarrel 

'^ Ibid., 49. 
'' Ibid., 91. 
'^ Ibid., 49, 89. 



PARTY STRUGGLES IN THE TOWNS 



77 



with Navarre was terminated by a truce negotiated by Soler and 
approved by the king,^* and the truce with France was prolonged,^^ 
thus freeing the province from the fear of foreign intervention. 

The year 1235, however, increased the likelihood of internal 
friction between a seneschal leaning on the Solers and the commune 
of Bordeaux, since it saw Monader replaced as mayor by Peter Cal- 
hau, one of the chief leaders of the Colombines. The first part of 
this year was not, however, marked with serious difficulties. A 
number of merchants received safe conduct for their ships and mer- 
chandise. Among these is Alexander de Cambas, whose wines were 
protected in June.^** Alexander was a Soler; lat least, his nephew 
Peter was one of the members of the faction imprisoned by the king 
during Montfort's administration,^^ and he would thus seem one of 
the few members of his party who was also connected with the wine 
trade. In July a further favor was bestowed upon him when the 
king transferred to him and his heirs the houses, lands and buildings 
owned by Peter de Sancto Erardo in and near the town of La 
Reole, which had been forfeited on account of a trespass of Peter's 
against the king.^^ What the trespass was we are not informed, but 
it came to have serious consequences. The lands were not given in 
perpetuity, but were to be held till the king should restore them to 
their owners. The king may further have irritated the Colombines 
against the seneschal, who was no doubt the prompter of the policy, 
by ordering, in July, the mayor, jurats and commune of Bordeaux 
to surrender to Trubleville the castle of St. Macaire, which was in 
their hands.^® The commune did not, however, obey ; for in October 

^* Ibid., 87, and in Rymer, Foedera, I, 334. 

^^ Pat. Rolls, 1232-1247, 82 and 84. Also Rymer, Foedera, I, 330-333. 

^'^ Pat. Rolls, 1 232- 1 247, no. 

"Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 284. Pat. Rolls, 1232-1247, no. 

'^^ Pat. Rolls, 1232-1247, 113. 

^'Ibid. 



78 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

the king again directs them to surrender it to Hugh de Vivona,^* 
who thus seems to have remained in Gascony after his surrender of 
office. 

In England Henry was at strife with his barons, and it was, 
doubtless, in the course of these struggles that he involved himself 
in more direct trouble with the townspeople through the seizure of 
their wines. We find him in April and June promising redress to 
certain citizens whose wine has been seized and in December paying 
to Peter de St. George of Dax ii8 pounds lo shillings. Peter 
acted on this occasion as the agent of John Bivernan of Bordeaux, 
Peter Ernaldi de la Gride of Dax, and William Vidou de Perer of 
Bayonne. It may be well to note also that the payment is by an 
order on the treasurer of Ireland, an indication of the extent of 
Gascon trade.^^ 

As usual the seneschal in the discharge of his duties needed the 
financial support of the citizens, and those from whom he received it 
are to be noted. In July the king gave a bond to the archbishop of 
Bordeaux for 1,500 marks which he had lent to Trubleville,^^ and in 
the same month he gave a similar bond to Arnold Maysent for 100 
marks.^^ Also, in July, the king gave a bond to Raymond Makayn 
and Brunus Causat for 300 marks, and one to Raymond Brun for 
200 marks for money advanced to the seneschal.^* Now of these men 
the archbishop might well be in sympathy with the aristocratic 
faction. Arnold Maysent, certainly, and Raymond Makayn, proba- 
bly, were members of the Soler faction. Causat was one of the So- 
lers oppressed by Montfort. Raymond Brun was of the same faction. 

^"Ibid., 128. 

^^ Ibid., 99, 107, 132. 

^Uhid., 113. 

^^Ibid. 

^Ibid., 114. 



PARTY STRUGGLES IN THE TOWNS 79 

The bulk of the money seems certainly tO' have come frorn^ the Soler 
party, or from persons favorable to them.^^ 

With the Solers standing in such intimate relations with the 
seneschal the Colombines might not unnaturally feel some anxiety 
as to their continued control of the commune. It is not impossible 
that it was Vivona's influence that had placed them in power. At any 
rate they might reasonably wish to remove all chances of Trubleville's 
intervening in the elections of the mayor and jurats. It was 
doubtless from some such motive as this that the commune in July 
applied to Henry for a confirmation of its charter which he accorded 
without apparent difficulty.^® The charter thus granted is the 
earliest preserved in the communal archives and has been thought 
to have established the commune, or to have conceded an elective 
mayor, whereas it conceded nothing that the town had not already 
had for a considerable time. 

Evidently there were fires smouldering in, Gascony by July of 
1235. The crisis came during a meeting at Langon held by the 
seneschal to proclaim the truce with France and also a general peace 
for Gascony. We have seen that Henry had already conferred con- 
fiscated property in La Reole on a citizen of the Soler party. Of 
what happened in the assembly we have two accounts in two letters 
to the king, one written by two brothers, the lords of Landiran, and 
the other by the men of Sainte Baseille.^^ The regular business of 

"^ Maysent is expressly referred to as a friend of the Solers in Pat. Rolls, 
1 247- 1258, 142. Makayn remained in Bordeaux and was closely associated 
with the Calhaux at a time when Simon de Montfort had banished the Solers. 
Ibid., 132, etc. 

^® Charter Rolls, I, 210. Livre des Bouillons, 241. Livre des Contumes, 512. 

" Shirley, Royal Letters. I, 321 ; II, i. Shirley, however, misdates this 
letter 1228. Champollion-Figeac has also misdated the second letter as 1244. 
The date, however, may easily be determined, as the letters require Truble- 
ville to be seneschal and Peter Calhau mayor, conditions which existed only 
in 1235. Callhau was mayor in 1244, but Trubleville was not seneschal and 
TrubleviUe was seneschal in 1228, but Calhau was not mayor. 



So ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

the meeting being concluded, the Colombines demanded the pardon 
of the citizens of La Reole, who had been accused of treason to the 
king. The leader in making this demand was Peter Calhau, and, 
finding the seneschal unwilling to accede to his demand, Calhau and 
his friends broke forth in violent and abusive language, threatening 
the seneschal's life and addressing to him "shameful, vile and enor- 
mous" words which the modest lords of Landiran shrink from re- 
peating to the king. In the conclusion of their letter the brothers 
called the king's attention to the fact that there was a party at Bor- 
deaux which was constantly usurping the royal functions and pre- 
rogatives. 

As to the events following this scene the citizens of Sainte Bas- 
eille are more explicit. They inform us that, after the meeting, Cal- 
hau and others returned to Bordeaux and seized on the royal castle, 
the royal revenues, and all the royal property in that city, driving 
away the royal bailiffs and servants. They even ordered the men of 
Sainte Baseille to join their revolt, but these loyal subjects refused 
and informed the king of the high-handed proceedings of the Bor- 
delais. 

Possibly the letters exaggerate the revolutionary conduct of the 
Colombines. At any rate they were far too powerful to be dealt 
with as rebels, or for any very severe measures to be taken against 
them. In their English trade, moreover, they had ties which bound 
them not to go too far in defiance of the English government. Un- 
der these circumstances a compromise was adopted, and on October 
20, the king commissioned the archbishop of Bordeaux, Elias Ridell, 
lord of Bergerac, Amaneus de Lebret, Peter de Bordeaux, Bernard 
de Ryon, Raymond Brun de Barsac, Rustengo de Soler, Gaillard 
Colom and W. A. Emeric to arbitrate the differences between the 
mayor and commune of Bordeaux and the seneschal, and he com- 
manded the commune to abide by their decision.^^ 

^^ Pat. Rolls, 1232-1247, 129. 



PARTY STRUGGLES IN THU TOWNS 8i 

The choice of the arbitrators — possibly inspired by Trubleville — 
seems rather favorable to the pro-aristocratic party of the Solers, 
Nor is this impression removed by an order of December 9 com- 
manding the treasurer and justiciary of Ireland to pay 640 marks 
to Raymond Makayn, Brunus Causat, Arnold Maysent, Raymond 
Brun de Barsac and Rustengo de Soler or their agents.^'' The money 
had been lent to Trubleville and two of these citizens were among 
the arbitrators. 

What decision was reached by the commission we are not told. 
Possibly a compromise of some sort was the result, for the king par- 
doned certain citizens of La Reole for deserting to the French.*" 
Nevertheless, the outcome of the disturbances was favorable to the 
Solers, since Peter Calhau was succeeded as mayor by Vigoros Viger 
and he by Rustengo Soler and that party remained in power till 
1243. It is not unlikely that the violent proceedings of the Colom- 
bines had alienated moderate men in Bordeaux, and that this, com- 
bined with the seneschal's pressure and the action of the arbitrators, 
facilitated the change. 

Calhau, however, did not at once quit office and seems to have 
remained somewhat defiant of the seneschal, since in February, 1236 
(the election of mayor took place in the spring so that Calhau was 
still in office) the king had to issue a mandate to the mayor of Bor- 
deaux bidding him surrender the castle of St. Macaire and all the 
lands of the late Peter de Gaveret to Trubleville, who in turn was to 
surrender them to Vivona.''^ Evidently he had refused to do so and 
given as an excuse that he had not been paid for bis custody. The 
king expresses his surprise at such a demand, affirming that the cas- 
tle was held without any warrant whatever. 

Whatever the exact extent and nature of the crisis of which these 

^nbid., 132. 
^"lUd., 129. 
"^Ihid., 135. 



82 BNGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

documents give us a glimpse, the king- was forced to take notice of the 
debts contracted by the seneschal during his difficulty with Bor- 
deaux. On February lo Henry promised to repay the 500 pounds 
which the prior of St. George in the Isle of Oleron had advanced to 
the seneschal, as well as 25 pounds to William Gumbaud, and 122 
pounds 15 shillings to Elias Viger of St. fimilion.*^ Of these Gum- 
baud and Viger were members of the Soler party — Viger though 
characterized in the rolls as of St. fimilion was a citizen of Bor- 
deaux*^ — and the prior may well have belonged to the aristocratic 
faction or have been neutral in the strife. Certainly, the Solers seem 
now to be men who are helping the seneschal in financial matters. 
This impression is confirmed by other transactions of the same 
month, when this same Elias Viger received the farm of the royal 
customs of Bordeaux for a term of two years at a rent of 40,000 
shillings of Bordeaux.** 

The king also strengthened the seneschal by ordering all persons 
in Gascony, and especially the mayor and jurats of Bordeaux, to as- 
sist him in recovering alienated property. Probably there is here in 
view such places as the castle of St. Macaire, which the Colombines 
were still holding in spite of the king's orders, as new orders were ad- 
dressed to the mayor concerning it in March.*^ Some light is thrown 
on the extent of the power and influence of the Solers by instruc- 
tions of the king in March which show them to have been in charge 
of the castle of Belin, belonging tO' Geoffrey Ridell, which they 
are directed to surrender to him.*^ 

With the Soler party thus in power in Bordeaux and in favor 
with the seneschal, the Colombines might well be anxious to secure 

"^Ibid., 136. 

^^Ihid., 137- 
** Ibid. 

*'Ibid., 139. 

*'Ibid., 138. 



PARTY STRUGGLES IN THE TOWNS 83 

gfuarantees for their privileges and rights. This is doubtless the 
meaning of Henry's confirmation at this time of a cloth monopoly 
granted in 1233, when Gaucem Colom- was mayor, to Bonafus de 
Sancta Columba and confirmed by the commune during Calhau's 
term of office.*^ The king also promised to continue the repayment 
to Gaillard Colom of the money lent by him to Hugh de Vivona.*^ 

The Solers, once in power in Bordeaux, do not seem to have been 
much more inclined to respect royal rights than their rivals, for the 
king is soon again obliged to interfere in reference to the region of 
Entre-deux-Mers, where the commune continued to enroll knights 
and others who sought in this way to escape the service due the 
king. This led Henry to address letters patent to the mayor and 
commune forbidding this or other infringements of his rights.*^ 

In June the citizens took a farther step in the way of getting the 
control of the collection of the royal revenues into their own hands. 
Henry in that month farmed the whole custom of avalage of wines 
at Bordeaux to the mayor and citizens for five years for 3,000 pounds 
of Bordeaux.^" He also on the next day discharged^ — or promised 
to discharge, not always the same thing with Henry — several debts 
of Trubleville and others. He promised to repay 237^ marks ad- 
vanced in two loans by the archbishop and 400 marks which the 
archbishop had advanced at the king's request to Geoffrey Ridell, 
lord of Blaye.^^ 

The condition of Gascony seemed on the whole peaceful and the 
administration of Trubleville to have been fairly successful. He 
had overthrown the Colombine faction in Bordeaux and allied him- 
self closely with the Solers, the head of that faction being the mayor 

"Ibid., 138. The royal confirmation makes Calhau mayor in 1234, doubt- 
less a mistake for 1235. 
''Ibid., 161. 
''Ibid., 160. 
'"Ibid., 187. 
'^Ibid., 188. 



84 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

for 1237. His policy had been friendly to the nobles and the disor- 
ders which marked the beginning of this rule appear to have quieted 
down. Henry would seem, therefore, to have had reason to be satis- 
fied with his seneschal. Trubleville's tenure of office was, however, 
interrupted for a brief time, for on July 13 the king addressed an 
order to the archbishop of Bordeaux as seneschal of Gascony.^^ But 
in August the archbishop is out of office, as is evident from the in- 
structions of the king relative to complaints which reached him from 
the dioceses of Dax and Bayonne.^^ Probably the archbishop only 
acted in some absence of Trubleville. 

Very soon, however, quarrels between the towns called for the 
royal intervention, for Henry ordered the mayor and bailiffs of Bor- 
deaux to protect the merchants and citizens of Dax and to respect 
their liberties. ^^ Evidently the commune of Bordeaux under the 
control of the Solers was not concerned to cultivate a good under- 
standing with the Dacquois. It will be recalled that the Solers — 
individually or through the commune — had taken over the collection 
of the royal revenues at Bordeaux and especially those on wine, and 
in the royal mandate reference is made to the wines of the citizens 
of Dax as being especially a cause of the dispute. 

In August Trubleville was replaced as seneschal by Hubert 
Huse,''^ whose term of office was extremely brief for in November 
of 1238 Trubleville was once more in office. There seems no reason 
to suppose that on being thus recalled to office Trubleville departed 
in any way from bis former policy. It would seem also from the 
silence of the rolls that his administration was on the whole success- 
ful. During the first two years of his second administration nothing 
occurred to call for royal intervention, which would seem clear evi- 

"■'Ibid., 189. 
^^hid., 191. 
"/&zd, 191. 
^^ Ibid., 194. S'hirley in his list makes him take office in September. 



PARTY STRUGGLES IN THE TOWNS 85 

dence that the province was fairly tranquil, especially in comparison 
to its former state. During* these two years the Solers continued 
dominant in Bordeaux, where Bernard d'Alhan and Martin Faure, 
both of that faction, acted as mayors. In 1241 Rustengo de Soler 
himself became mayor. In this year the king issued a few letters 
patent, but as they deal with matters of minor importance we have 
no need to examine them. On September 22, 1241, Trubleville re- 
tired from office for the last time and Henry, already meditating a 
renewal of the French war, chose as his successor Rustengo de Soler, 
the mayor of Bordeaux. This would seem to mark the climax 
of the fortunes of that party. They had been six years in power 
in Bordeaux and their chief was now the head of that city and at the 
same time of the English government in Gascony. 

From such a survey as we have here attempted, incomplete 
though it may be, it is evident to what extent already, in the ordinary 
time of peace, the government relied upon the townspeople. They 
hold castles, they farm the revenues, they advance money to the sen- 
eschal, sometimes having to wait long for repayment. They appear 
as indispensable to the working of the English rule and at times 
disposed to take advantage of their importance. What part they 
played when England found herself again at war with France we 
have now to see. 



CHAPTER VI 

HENRY'S SECOND EXPEDITION AGAINST POITOU, 1242 

Henry renews the war with France. Defeat at Taillebourg. Financial and 
military aid given by the towns during the campaign. Concessions to the 
townspeople. Loans of the Colombines to the king. They regain power 
in Bordeaux. Henry remains in Gascony. Continued loans by towns- 
people. 

HuNRY_, who had never acquiesced in the loss of Poitou and the 
north, was constantly seeking an alliance or combination which 
would enable him to renew the war with fair prospects of success. 
At length in 1242 the time seemed ripe for an attempt. It will be 
recalled that Louis VIII had begun the practice of providing for his 
younger sons by granting appanages. He had given Poitou after 
its conquest to his son Alfonso. Hugh of La Marche had now in- 
volved himself in trouble with Alfonso.^ Nor was he the only dis- 
contented noble in Poitou; on the contrary, constant appeals were 
being made to Henry with promises of support and certain success.^ 
The EngHsh monarch therefore resolved to renew the war, hoping 
to recover at least Poitou from the French. 

Our special interest here lies naturally with the towns and their 
people, having in view to trace their relations with the king and 
measure the extent of their support. It is in this campaign the 
easier to estimate their role since the English parliament opposed 

^ Matt. Paris, Chronica Majora, IV, 178. See also the letter published 
by M. Delisle in the Bibliotheque de l'£cole des Chartes, serie II, IV, $12- 
' Matt. Paris, Chronica Majora, IV, 181. 



HENRY'S SECOND EXPEDITION 87 

the war and refused the king any money for his expedition.^ Money, 
indeed, was the one great essential. Henry was informed that Poi- 
tou and Gascony would furnish him men enough if he could only 
pay them.* 

In spite of the discouraging attitude of the parliament Henry 
set out, and on May 13 landed at Roy an with some 300 knights.^ 
The first and obvious step was to summon the feudal forces of Gas- 
cony to his aid. On May 25 he addressed a summons to the various 
knights and barons of Gascony who owed him military service, com- 
manding them to present themselves and their retainers at Pons on 
the Thursday after Pentecost (June 12). On the same day, the king 
addressed a summons to the communes of Bordeaux, Bayonne, St. 
Macaire, St. fimilion, L,a Reole, Langon, and Bazas, ordering them 
to have their militia at Royan on the same date.^ 

This appeal to the communes for the aid, which under feudal law 
they owed their suzerain, seemed for an instant to meet with a re- 
pulse. Bordeaux pointed out to the king that, by a privilege pre- 
viously granted to the town, her citizens were not bound tO' serve 
outside their diocese.'^ This, which at first glance might seem like 
a refusal to follow Henry, did not in reality bear that significance. 
What the Bordelais objected to was not the service demanded of 
them but the manner of the demand. It soon appeared that they 
were willing to aid the king but of their own free will and not be- 
cause of a feudal obligation. Henry plainly recognized this attitude 
and sanctioned it in three letters patent issued on June 16 and 17.^ 

^ Ibid., IV, 181-184. Tout, in Hunt and Poole, Political History of 
England, III, 63. 

* Tout, Ibid. 

" Tout, Ibid. 

^ Roles Gascons, no. 160. Rymer, Foedera, I, 402. 

'' Livre des coutumes, 529. 

^ Roles Gascons, no. 281. Pat. Rolls, 1232-1247, 308. Henceforth through' 
out the chapter the Roles Gascons will be referred to as R. G. The refer- 



88 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

In these he fully acknowledged the exemption they had pleaded and 
confirmed the liberty to which they had appealed. At the same time 
he thanked the mayor and commune for the service they were ren- 
dering in Saintonge and Pbitou. This he promised should be con- 
sidered not as a due, but as a free gift, and should in no wise be held 
as a precedent. Possibly one reason for the readiness of Bordeaux 
to support the king was the influence of Rustengo de Soler, who was 
now seneschal of Gascony and had been mayor the preceding year. 
Perhaps, too, such considerations had had their weight in securing 
the powerful burg-her his appointment. 

In the campaign the towns rendered Henry important services. 
Bordeaux contributed to the royal army both men and munitions of 
war.^ Bayonne despatched her galleys,^" In the assembling and 
equipment of the royal forces the seneschal Rustengo bore an im- 
portant part, even using his own money when needful, for at 
Saintes, on July 3, Henry issued letters patent promising to repay 
him the sums expended in equipping galleys and in paying crossbow- 
men and others for the king's service.^^ 

With such forces as he could get together Henry at once entered 
on a campaign which proved brief and inglorious. He invaded 
Saintonge only to be decisively defeated at Taillebourg.^^ Louis 
pressed forward and threatened for a moment to besiege Bordeaux, 
but the outbreak of an epidemic in his army led him to abandon this 

ences moreover are to number of entry, those of the Patent Rolls to the pages. 
Oif the Patent Rolls, the above volume may be understood unless otherwise 
stated. 

^ R. G., 174. All documents in the Roles Gascons are not to be found 
in the Patent Rolls. All documents issued in Gascony were entered in the 
Gascon rolls. In England they were reenrolled in their proper roll. 

"■" R. G., 26, 589, 631, 1249, etc. Pat. Rolls, 337, 343- 

"i?. G., 315. Pat. Rolls, 310. 

" Henry himself wrote an account of his campaign in a letter to the em- 
peror. Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 25. 



HENRY'S SECOND EXPEDITION 89 

purpose and withdraw to the north. A truce for five years was 
finally conduded in April, 1243.^^ 

But the citizens — ^especially of Bordeaux — supported the king 
financially as well as in the field. Between the battle of Taillebourgf 
and the truce Henry spent most of his time in Bordeaux, where he 
contrived to quarrel with such of his English vassals as had followed 
him. His life there would seem to have been reckless and extrava- 
gant, if Matthew Paris is to be trusted.^* The funds he could ob- 
tain from England were probably rather scanty, and, still planning 
to renew the war, he wished to subsidize various nobles. To accom- 
plish this purpose he had recourse to his seneschal, who advanced 
100 marks to Amaneus. Eebret at the king's request and received 
therefor royal letters patent,^^ whatever they might turn out to be 
worth. Lebret also obtained 100 pounds from Gaillard Colom;^* 
who likewise advanced 500 marks to Raymond of Toulouse, which 
debt the king assumed.^"^ Peter Alfonso, son of the king of Portu- 
gal, received 40 marks from the same wealthy merchant.^^ The vis- 
count of Castillon had similarly raised 160 marks, on the king's or- 
der, from Rustengo de Mercato, but only after William Raymond 
Colom and Peter Calhau had pledged themselves for the king.^^ 

During the campaign itself Henry had been forced to rely for 
a considerable measure of financial support on the citizens. In July^ 
while still at Saintes expecting an attack from the French, he had 
found his money running short ; for, on the tenth, he wrote to Gailllard 
Colom asking him to advance as much money as possible.^'' What 
the response was cannot be determined with certainty; but, at any rate, 

^' Rymer, Foedera, I, 416. 
" Chronica Majora, IV, 229. 
''i?. G., 440. Pat. Rolls, 322. 
^'R. G., 361. Pat. Rolls, 314- 
"i?. G., 553- Pat. Rolls, 334- 
'" R. G., 361. Pat. Rolls, 314. 
"i?. G., 698. Pat. Rolls, 350. 



^o 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



on the twelfth Henry acknowledged a debt to him of 650 pounds of 
La Marche for eight war horses.^^ Horses, indeed, seem to have 
been in great demand for the royal army. On July 7 Henry ordered 
his seneschal to stop at Bordeaux a ship from Spain bound for La 
Rochelle and loaded with horses and other merchandise, to prevent 
their reaching a hostile prince.^^ Very likely he afterwards used 
them for his own army ; but of this we have no positive information. 
On July 25, at Pons, the king acknowledged a debt to Gaillard Colom 
of 96 pounds for seven horses purchased for the royal service.^^ This 
writ was afterward surrendered ; but on August 5 one was issued 
for 327 marks for 15 horses,^* and on October 18 the king gave him 
a bond for 40 marks to pay him for a horse he had bought for John 
Fitz-Geoffrey.^^ Finally, on October 23, Henry pledged himself to 
pay Gaillard 25 marks from the first money which reached him from 
England for a loan made to William de Munt Revel for the purchase 
of a horse.-^ 

These were, however, by no means the only expenses which the 
king was forced to meet by loans. He would appear to have called 
upon the citizens of Bayonne for an amount of military service be- 
yond their feudal dues and for this he was expected to pay. On 
August 17 he acknowledged a debt to them for their services amount- 
ing to 10,000 shillings of Bordeaux and gave them license to harass 
Ms enemies.^^ The next day, August 18, he gave a bond to the 
mayor and commune of Bordeaux for 300 marks, which they had 

-^R. G., 328. Pat. Rolls, 311. 

^'R. G., 31. 

=='i?.(;.,35o. 

'*i?. G.,361. Pat. Rolls, 314. 

"'i?. G.,546. Pat. Rolls, 333. 

^' R. G., 612. The Roles gives the sum of money as 1025 marks, which 
is extravagant for one horse. Tihe Pat. Rolls gives the sum as 25 marks. Pat. 
Rolls, 341. 

''R.G., 382, 383. Pat. Rolls, 316. 



HBNRY'S SECOND EXPEDITION gr 

lent him for the payment of the Bayonnese sailors and officers. 
Later, on November 9, he ordered his treasurer, in England, to pay 
this sum to the nuncio of the commune.^^ Bayonne was also re- 
warded for her services by a privilege which accorded to the citizens 
the right of bringing their grain and merchandise to Bordeaux and 
of purchasing wine there and transporting it to Bayonne.^'' 

But the king had other expenses than those of a strictly military 
character. Extravagance seems to have been one of the royal vices 
and Henr}^ is frequently reproached with it by his contemporaries, 
Matthew Paris declares that the king remained at Bordeaux use- 
lessly squandering his treasure.^" But not many traces of this ex- 
travagance meet us in the rolls, though some of the expenditure 
just recounted may have been useless. In a few entries, however, 
we find Henry borrowing money for articles of luxury ; and here 
too he turned to the citizens of Bordeaux. On August 6, from his 
camp on the Gironde, he ordered his treasurers to pay to Centario 
Gondemer, brother of Peter Gondemer, 62 pounds, 16 solidi and i 
denarms for various articles thereafter enumerated which had been 
purchased of Peter. Among the articles we find almonds, dates, 
pepper and ginger.''^ Eater he requested Gaillard Colom to pur- 
chase for him some silk, some scarlet cloth and some ginger at Mont- 
pellier.^^ 

There are, however, numerous acknowledgements of loans where 
the use of the money is not specified. Thus, on August 20, he con- 
ferred on Gaillard Colom the rent of the king's landes of Bordeaux 
till he should be repaid the sum of 400 marks which he had lent the 
king.^^ These letters, indeed, were surrendered and cancelled but 

''R. G., 384. Pat. Rolls, 316, and R. G., 1651. 

^' E.G. ,71s. Pat. Rolls, 357. 

^° Chronica Majora, IV, 229. 

" R. G., 200. 

''R.G.,71. 

''R.G.,393- Pat. Rolls, 317. 



92 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

on the thirtieth new letters give him the profits of the king's landes 
of Bordeaux for a time in part payment of a debt of 600 marks :^^ 
probably the old 400 plus a new loan. To Gaillard Henry also ac- 
knowledged a debt of 1,042 marks advanced for various purposes, 
and promised repayment in England.^^ This was on August 5 and 
by December he acknowledges a debt of 500 pounds Bordelais to the 
same citizen.^" Of Raymond Makayn, a citizen of Bordeaux engaged 
in the wine trade and associated with Monader and Arnold Calhau 
in charge of the royal mint, the king borrowed 500 marks.^'^ 

Though Henry drew the greater part of his loans from the citi- 
zens of Bordeaux, he also borrowed to a less degree from the other 
towns and their citizens. Thus he obtained 300 marks from Peter 
Rosset of Bayonne, the loan being contracted at Bordeaux.^^ Also 
he allowed La Reole to commute the military service which the citi- 
zens owed him by money payments^^ and borrowed from some of 
their citizens.**' Among these loans was one of 5,000 shillings made 
to Henry by Raymond de Pins and his brother Donatus, citizens of 
La Reole and nephews of the Bishop of Bazas.'*^ 

The church too was not neglected, but in common with the towns- 
people furnished supplies to the king. Thus, for example, the chap- 
ter of St. Andrews lent him 10,000 shillings of Bordeaux,*^ and the 

^'R.G., 40s. Pat. Rolls, 2,19. 

''R.G.,361. Pat. Rolls, 314. 

'" R. G., 688. Pat. Rolls, 349. 

" R. G., 493. Pat. Rolls, 327. 

"" i?. G., 385, 387. Pat. Rolls, S17. These letters were cancelled and in 
January of 1243 the king gave Rosset a bond for 200 marks, very possibly a 
remainder of the earHer 300. R. G., 807. 

''R.G.,2,06, 308, 337, 368, 588. Pat. Rolls, 310, 312, 31S, 337. 

" R. G., 400, 636. Pat. Rolls, 318, 343. 

*^ R. G.,667. Pat. Rolls, 347. Canceled but repeated by new letters. R. G., 
723. Pat. Rolls, 352. For these connections with La Reole see entry in the 
Recognitiones feudoruni, in Archives de la Gironde, III, 5. Also Bemont, 
Simon de Montfort, 31. 

*'R.G., 461. Pat. Rolls, 325. 



HBNRY'S SECOND BXPBDITION g^ 

dean and chapter of St. Severin's 6,000 shillings of Bordeaux, and 
the abbot and convent of St. Cross 100 marks,*^ all these churches 
being situated in Bordeaux. 

In spite of these outside sources of revenue in the other Gascon 
towns and the church, the king's main reliance was in the townspeo- 
ple of Bordeaux. We may well then inquire a little more closely 
who the citizens of that town were who made the loans in question 
to the king? Soler had evidently as seneschal used some of his own 
money for the king's service ; but the largest single creditor is Gail- 
lard Colom. The others were Arnold Maysent, Raymond Makayn, 
Peter Gondemer, Rustengo de Mercato, Peter Calhau, and the com- 
mune itself. Now with the exception of the Solers, who would seem 
to have abandoned the business,*'* all these persons were interested 
in the English wine trade. Though Gaillard Colom does not directly 
appear, his family were deeply involved,*^ as we have seen, and it is 
by no means unlikely that he sold his own wine through his relatives. 
Of Mercato it is enough to recall that his money was only advanced 
on the guarantee of W. R. Colom and Peter Calhau. That Calhau 
dealt in wine is clearly to be seen from a document of the next year, 
when the king acknowledges a debt to both him and his brother for 
302 dolia of wine.-*^ Of Makayn it need only be said to make clear 
his interest that in 1253 the king exempted some of his wine from 
duties in England.*^ Of Gondemer we need only recall that the 
money due is to be paid to his brother and the payment to be made 
in England. There remains then Arnold Maysent, of whom the king 
borrowed 200 marks,*^ He is first mentioned in letters patent issued 

*' R. G., 468, 469. Pat. Rolls, 325. 

"At any rate no further reference occurs in the rolls to connect them 
with it. 

*' See later in chapter the privilege accorded William Raymond Colom. 

'^i?. G.,1677. 
'■'R.G.,26g7. 
*' R. G., 666. Pat. Rolls, 347. 



94 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

June 25,*^ from which it appears that he had complained to the king- 
that Bertram de Cryoyl, in order to provision the castle of Dover, 
had seized some of his wine. On receiving his complaint the king- 
ordered Bertram to pay for the wine, or, if he did not have the 
money, to inform him of its value so that he might do so. 

It is clear, then, that Henry's chief help in a financial way came 
from the wine merchants of Bordeaux, Unfortunately we are not 
able to estimate precisely how important this aid was to him. Yet 
the sums he borrowed must have had a very considerable military- 
significance in a time where a knight's wages amounted to but 2 shil- 
lings a day.^*^ What then were the motives of this support? The 
men in question, profiting as they did by the union of Gascony to 
England, may well have been willing to support Henry more or less 
strongly against his rival. He could, if he would, extend and sup- 
port their valuable commercial privileges, and certain facts strongly 
suggest that to some extent they bartered loans for privileges. On 
October 16 Henry addressed a letter to the mayor and galioiis of 
Bayonne.''^ They were to collect for the king a duty of 5 solidi for 
each dolium of wine which they carried, with the exception of wine 
belonging to citizens of Bordeaux. Such an exemption was doubt- 
less well worth having, and the impecunious monarch might well 
concede it to those who were advancing him such sums of money. 
But individuals likewise might obtain exemptions and privileges. 
In the letters patent by which the king acknowledged the loan of 200 
marks by Arnold Maysent he further accorded to that burgher the 
privilege of loading one ship with wine on the Charente, and of 
carrying that wine to any part of the king's dominions, or to the do- 
minions of any friendly prince.^^ The Charente river, it will be re- 

"R.G., 20. 

'° R. G., 2564. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 290. 

" R. G., 533. Pat. Rolls, 332. 

'" R. G., 666. Pat. Rolls, 347. 



HENRY'S SECOND EXPEDITION 



95 



called, flowed through territory then subject to the French, with 
whom commercial intercourse had been forbidden. If Arnold May- 
sent could be thus satisfied what did Gaillard Colom get? We shall 
deal presently with the measures which were taken to secure him 
the principal of the money lent; but there was one ^commercial con- 
cession in which he was doubtless interested, although he did not 
appear directly. On July 25, Henry by letters patent extended cer- 
tain privileges to William Raymond Colom.^^ Gaillard had already 
lent money to the king; since, on the twenty-seventh, the king au- 
thorized him to receive all dues of the city of Bordeaux in payment 
of a debt,^'* though the amount is not specified, and had acknowl- 
edged specific loans of 650 pounds^^ and 96 marks.^'' The privileges 
accorded to William were, then, very probably in part payment for 
the loan, and very possibly an engagement of loans to follow. By 
this privilege Henry took W. R. Colom and his goods under his pro- 
tection and conceded to him the right to come and go freely and 
safely with his merchandise throughout the king's dominions, wheth- 
er by land or sea. In addition he is given the privilege of taking 
300 tuns of wine, annually, to Bordeaux or elsewhere free from all 
royal dues and customs, saving — and it is a significant reservation — 
the liberties of the city of London. Now it is by no means impossi- 
ble that William acted as the agent for the sale of goods belonging 
to Gaillard as well as his own. At any rate, it would seem likely that 
this privilege to William Raymond was due largely to the loyal lib- 
erality of Gaillard. Perhaps also the influence of the family in the 
commune counted for something. 

One further point suggests itself. The Coloms were the king's 
heaviest creditors, and of the others, Calhau belonged to their party, 

''7?. G.,349- Pat. Rolls, 313. 

"i?. G., 352. Pat. Rolls, 314. 

^'R.G., 328. Pat. Rolls, 311. 

''R.G., 350. Pat. Rolls, 313. 



96 BNGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

as also, in all probability, did Gondemer and Makayn. Certainly 
Gondemer was acting mayor in 1253,^^ when the Colombines were in 
power and the Solers banished from the city. Makayn can hardly 
have been identified with the Soler faction, although it is true that 
when, in 1249, Henry ordered the viscounts of London to seize such 
of this party as could be found in that city, we find among those 
named a Raymond Arnold Makayn.^® This is the only occasion when 
the middle name Arnold is mentioned, which in itself creates a sus- 
picion that it may refer to a different person; the more so as there 
is also mentioned in the same connection an Arnold Makayn de la 
Ruchelle, showing that the name was not a very unusual one. This 
supposition is strengthened by the fact that in 1253, at a time when 
the Soler leaders were in exile, Raymond Makayn not only remained 
in Bordeaux but received favors from the king,^^ and was associated 
with Calhau."^*' Both Mercato and Maysent would seem to have been 
Solers.*^^ It would appear, then, that of the royal creditors 
Gaillard Colom, Raymond Makayn, Peter Calhau and Peter Gon- 
demer were members of the Colombine party, and that on the other 
side stood the seneschal Rustengo de Soler, Arnold Maysent and 
Rustengo de Mercato. The significance of this is to be seen in the 
fact that the great bulk of the money lent to the king was ad- 
vanced by one of the two political parties in the town, and that the 
party which would seem to have been in opposition. 

In 1241 Rustengo de Soler was mayor of Bordeaux and seneschal 
of Gascony. In April*'^ of 1242 he was succeeded as mayor by Peter 
Viger of his own party.*'^ It was in July that the various loans cited 

" R. G., 2652. 

'' S'hirley, Royal Letters, II, 381. 
«"i?. G.,2697. 

'° 7?. G... 2147, 2149, 2425. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 248, 249, 275. 
"^ Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 282, R. G., 2673. 
""The election of t'he majror seems to have taken place in April. 
"'Viger was arrested with the Solers in 1249. Bemont, Simon de Mont- 
fort, 282. 



HENRY'S SECOND EXPEDITION 97 

above began., and, as we saw, the bulk came from the Colombine 
faction. On November 10 Rustengo resigned the seneschalship.®* 
In April, 1243, Peter Viger was succeeded as mayor by William 
Gondemer, a Colombine. In 1244 he gave place to Peter Calhau 
and he in turn to William Raymond Colom in 1246. Thus, not only 
did a Colombine come to power in 1243, but the city remained under 
their control for the next four years. Did the king have a hand in 
this change ? He had every opportunity to exert an influence on the 
election for he was at Bordeaux from the first to the twenty-fifth of 
the month. Although the evidence is purely circumstancial, one can 
hardly help suspecting that the royal influence played a considerable 
part in this change in party power, and that the liberality of the 
Coloms was, in part at least, intended to gain this influence. Cer- 
tainly one act of the king is calculated to support such an impression. 
On April 21 Henry addressed a letter to the citizens of La Reole 
and Langon, forbidding them to come to Bordeaux for the purpose 
of aiding any party there in the factional disputes {ad succursum 
faciendum alicid de civibus burdigalensibus contentionem habeniii 
contra alium in eadem villa). ^^ If Henry, who wrote this letter 
from Bordeaux, was striving to arrange in advance the triumph of 
the Colombines he might not unnaturally strive to prevent the Solers 
from calling in allies from the neighboring towns. At any rate, he 
clearly desired to prevent one party from using this means to defeat 
the other. And it is interesting to note that in the riot of June 28, 
1249, some of the most influential citizens of La Reole were found 
fighting among the partisans of the Solers.^^ The king, it would ap- 
pear, did not go so far as to drive the Solers entirely from power but, 
if we may trust a later declaration, he proposed, or perhaps imposed, 
a compromise by which each party was to have half the jurats.''''' 

^* Shirley's list of seneschals. 
''R. G., 1378. 

®* Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 31. 
*^ Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 89. 



g8 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

Nevertheless, the Colombines held the office of mayor for several 
years, which would seem to indicate that they had the larger half. 

Though the citizens of Bordeaux advanced money to the king 
they took good care to secure its repayment, and Henry was forced 
to give good security by pawning certain of the royal revenues. We 
have seen that Gaillard Colom received in part payment of his ad- 
vances the royal profit {questam) from the king's landes of Bord- 
eaux.*'® The king likewise committed to him the entire rent of the 
city of Bordeaux in part payment of a debt.'^'' This was in August. 
On September 26 the king issued orders to the prud'hommes of a 
number of small villages to pay their dues to the bishop of Dax, and 
he in turn was directed to use them in paying part of a debt to Gail- 
lard, though the amount is not stated. '° In addition the king farmed 
the provostship of Bordeaux for one year to William Raymond 
Colom for 35 pounds of Bordeaux." 

The financial needs of the king did not cease with the war. He 
remained in Gascony during the greater part of the next year (1243). 
Matthew Paris charges him with squandering his money in useless 
luxury."^- No doubt there was some justice in the accusation; but 
Henry had good excuse for some of his expenditure. During the 
early months of the year, when war might be renewed at any time, 
it was necessary to keep the province on some sort of a war footing. 
Then, no doubt, he had many debts to pay which had been contracted 
during the war and which he could only meet by new debts. At any 
rate, for whatever purpose, he spent all the money he could get from 
England and then had recourse to his loyal subjects of Bordeaux. 
The Gascon Rolls for this year, as for the last, are thickly strewn 
with acknowledgments of debt. 

^^R. G., 40s. Pat. Rolls, 319. 
'"i?. G., 352. Pat. Rolls, 314. 
'"R. G., 485. .Pat. Rolls, 327. 
"i?. G., 406. Pat. Rolls. 319. 
" Chronica Majora, IV, 229. 



HENRY'S SECOND EXPEDITION 



99 



The purposes for which Henry now borrows of the citizens seem 
much the same as in 1242. Some of the loans were contracted to 
pay salaries or money fiefs, others for articles of luxury, and others 
for purposes not specified. 

As examples of debts of the first sort we have a loan of 60 marks 
sterling from Peter Calhau, which sum had been paid to Chiwardo 
de Chaboneis on the fief of 100 marksJ^ Again, on April 25, Henry 
orders his treasurer to pay over to Raymond Makayn 100 marks, 
which sum Raymond had paid to Peter Chaceporc — a clerk of the 
king — and which the king had conceded to Peter as a gift.'^'* 

Of debts contracted for wine or articles of luxury there are a 
considerable number. On January 13, by an order to- his baillifs we 
learn that the king purchased of two Bordelais citizens a shipload 
of wine amounting to 320 tuns.'^^ On February 11 he purchased 
30 tuns from W. R. Cblom at a cost of 105 pounds of Bordeaux.'^*' 
On February 8 he owed 270 pounds sterling for 302 tuns bought of 
William Sycard and Arnold Tuscanan.'^^ On January 29 he owed 
Peter and Arnold Calhau 270 pounds for 302 tuns of wine.'^® In 
June the king gave his bond to Arnold Beraud and Gaillard de Lart 
for 263 pounds 10 shillings which they have advanced to the king's 
tailor for the purchase of silk cloths and sendal at the fair at Pro- 
vins.'^^ Later the king not only paid this bond — in June®*^ — ^but in 
October he paid Arnold Beraud 210 pounds 10 shillings which he 
had advanced for a similar purpose.®^ 

These entries nearly exhaust the direct information which the 

'^ R. G., 895. Pat. Rolls. 368. 

''R. G., 1766. 

''R. G., 761. .Pat. Rolls, 356. 

''^ R. G., 837. Pat. Rolls, 363, where the cost given is no pounds. 

"i?. G.,833. Pat. Rolls, 2,62. 

''R. G., 1677- 

™i?. G., 996. Pat. Rolls, 378. 

^'R. G., 1797. 

"■^R. G., 2032. 



lOo ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

Rolls furnish us concerning the purposes for which the king bor- 
rowed money. One other purpose we may perhaps infer as possible. 
Since, frequently, the money is lent in Gascony and orders are 
issued for its payment in England, it is possible that some of the 
loans were simply to save the trouble of the transportation of the 
money to Gascony. In many cases it is evident that the king is sim- 
ply borrowing money till his treasure can reach him. Again and 
again it is specified that he will pay these debts upon a certain date 
or sooner if the money arrives from England. Often, then, these 
loans were due simply to the clumsiness of the transportation system 
and to the delays which resulted therefrom. The king had treasure 
in England, but it was a dangerous thing to transport. Boats and 
men had to be got ready and possibly the winds were unfavorable. 
Hence, some days, perhaps weeks, elapsed — and the king borrowed 
money until it arrived. For example, on June i8, the king promised 
to pay W. R. Colom 5,000 solidi of Bordeaux received from him 
as a loan.^" The money was to be paid one month after midsummer, 
or sooner if money arrives from England before that date. This is an 
instance taken at random. Other similar instances are numerous. 
But suppose the man who lent the money was either going to 
England or had an agent there. Why not avoid the difficulty and 
danger of transportation by having the debt paid in England? 
The merchant or his agent could then use the money for the pur- 
chase of goods to be taken to Bordeaux and sold. In this way the 
king orders debts paid to Gaillard Colom,®^ Peter Calhau®* and his 
brother, and Raymond Makayn.*^ 

Turning now to those whO' were creditors of Henry, we find the 
same set of men as in the previous year. In the first rank come the 

^''R. G., 1020. Pat. Rolls, 381. 

^^R. G., 1812, 1945. 

^'R. G., 1466, 1677. 

''R. G., 1668, 1886. 



HENRY'S SECOND EXPEDITION loi 

Coloms. Gaillard advanced considerable sums to the king, first 420 
marks, 8 shillings, 11 pence; then, appiarently, 402 marks. ^"^ William 
Raymond advanced the 5,000 solidi already mentioned and smaller 
sums. Both the Calhau advanced money. At one time the king owed 
them 270 pounds sterling for wine.^^ At another they and two other 
m.erchants received an order on the English treasurer for 540 pounds 
sterling for wine.®*^ Raymond Makayn had also extensive financial 
dealings with Henry. In January he received a bond and an order 
on the English exchequer for 435 marks and another bond for 200 
marks. In August he was given a bond for 460 marks and in Septem- 
ber an order on the treasury for that amount.^^ Arnold Maysent, 
whose wine was seized for Dover Castle the year before, now lent 
the king various sums, once 1,000 marks, to be paid when money 
came from England, ^° at another time on the same terms 1,000 
pounds of Bordeaux.^^ These are illustrations. There are other 
debts to other merchants but the larger part of the money was ad- 
vanced by merchants connected with the wine trade, and it would 
appear also that the larger part both of the money and the wine was 
furnished by members of the Colombine party, now in power ; Faure, 
Mercato and Eambert, all Solers, did indeed advance money, but 
much less than the Coloms, Calhau and Makayn.^^ Another rather 
suggestive point is that none of the men certainly belonging to the 
vSoler party advanced more money after April, in which month the 
Colombines came to power in the commune. The largest loan from 

'" R. G., 739, 1812. Pat. Rolls, 354. 

"i?. G., 1677. Among t'he smaller loans is one of 250 pounds of Bor- 
deaux. R. G., 832. Pat. Rolls, 362. 

''R. G. 1466. 

''i?. G., 77S, 77^, 1 103, 1668, 1886. Pat. Rolls, 357, 389. 

«• R. G., 804. Pat. Rolls, 360. 

"/?. G., 1109. Pat. Rolls, 390. 

'^ Maysent indeed advanced considerable sums. He may have been a 
Soler but he was certainly a wine merchant, w'hich perhaps explains his 
attitude. The ground for regarding him as a Soler is the presence in that 



I02 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 



their party, that from Martin Faure of 5,000 solidi, was acknowl- 
edged January 31, 1243.'^^ Their loyal generosity could not, it would 
seem, survive their fall from power at Bordeaux. 

The townspeople, then, during and after Henry's campaign of 
1242, were of large importance to the king. It is clear that he relied 
upon them both for military service and for money and for the latter 
very extensively. 

party during Simon de Montfort's administration of a certain Ernaldus 
Maysenge and a certain Ernaldus Maisenne, seemingly two different persons. 
One or the other may be Maysent ; for the proper names of the time show 
great variations in spelling. The identification seems at best doubtful, and 
Maysent may well have been a Colombine or a neutral. See Royal Letters, 
II, 388-9, and Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 284-295. An Arnold Maynsani 
also appears in the Patent Rolls, 1247-1258, 608, and seems to be a Soler. 
«'R. G., 810. Pat. Rolls, 361. 



CHAPTER VII 

-MUNICIPAL CHANGE'S AT DAX AND BAYONNE, 1243 

Henry makes a tour of the south. Measures at Bayonne. Names the hundred 
peers. Reasons for this step. Reorganizes the commune at Dax. Char- 
acter and causes of this measure. 

Henry''s conduct in remaining on the continent over four months 
after the conclusion of the war was not, as it seems to have struck 
Matthew Paris/ due merely to idleness and luxury. On the con- 
trary he used the opportunity thus afforded him to attempt a reor- 
ganization of the southern towns. Though Trubleville may have 
succeeded in preserving some sort of order in Gascony, yet the 
elements of discord were numerous and were perhaps increasing, for 
the time of Henry's campaign was marked by disorders in Dax too 
serious to be ignored. To settle these troubles Henry made a tour 
of the south and took advantage of the occasion to overhaul the 
municipal machinery at both Dax and Bayonne. 

The party divisions existing at Bayonne we have already sur- 
veyed in connection with the troubles arising from the organization 
of a confraternity in that city. This confraternity, it will be recalled, 
Henry had forbidden and had ordered dissolved.^ It would seem, 
however, that these orders had never been entirely enforced. The 
chief officer of the confraternity was the capdel. This officer 

^ Chronica Major a, IV, 229. 
" See chapter iv. 



I04 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

had remained, apparently as a regular officer, from 1227 till this 
time.^ This suggests that the commune had been forced to make 
some sort of terms with the confraternity and that the riots had 
ended in a compromise. Henry, on his arrival in the town, renewed 
his former prohibitions against confraternities* and appears also to 
have suppressed the capdel, who at any rate ceases to appear.^ 

One of the most essential wheels in communal mechanism, 
according to the Etahlissements de Rouen, was a body known as 
the hundred peers. Henry, during his stay in Bayonne, took occas- 
ion to nominate the members of this body and to confirm their title 
by letters patent containing a list of their names. From this fact 
Giry concludes that the Rtahlissements, although granted in 1215, by 
John, had never been really in operation." But, as we have seen the 
machinery provided for the nomination of the mayor actually in 
force in 1228^ there seems no sufficient reason for such a conclusion. 
It would seem more probable that the confraternity troubles had 
thrown the communal machinery into some disorder, and there were 
evidently troubles of some sort in the city about the time of the 
nomination of the peers. This is shown by the fact that though 
Henry chose as mayor from the list presented a certain Bernard de 
Ijposse for the year 1243,^ yet in July of that year we find him refer- 
red to as "sometime mayor" of Bayonne and his property as well as 
that of the capdel sequestered.^ We learn, further, that the capdel 

® Bemont in 'his introduction to the Roles Gascons, V, civ. See also 
R. G. 28, 820, 1068, 1071, 1612 and Pat. Rolls, 361, 386, where the capdel is 
spoken of as an ordinary officer. 

"■R. G., 1214. Pat. Rolls, 403. 

^ Bemont, in the Introduction to the Roles Gascons, V, cv. 

' Giry, £tablissenients, I, 108. 

'' Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 98. 

^R. G., 806. Pat. Rolls, 360. 

"i?. G., 1071, 1073. Pat. Rolls, 386. The capdel is cited to appear before 
the king in May. R. G., 1612. 



CHANGES AT DAX AND BAYONNB 



105 



had extorted money from a canon of the city.^° The miayor, what- 
ever his offense, received a partial pardon in 1244^^ and in the follow- 
ing year was entirely reinstated in the commune. ^^ These events indi- 
cate clearly that there had been troubles of some sort in the commune 
and the nomination of the peers may well have been a measure of 
pacification. Under these circumstances, the nomination would be 
intended either to fix definitely the membership of that body, or ta 
change somewhat its composition. Possibly it did both, since fixation 
itself might well mean some modification. Though we cannot feel 
absolutely certain, still it seems highly probable that the new arrange- 
ment wias distinctly favorable to the "aristocratic" party. This 
party had as its leader Michael de Mans, while Dardir was at the 
head of the other. 

Michael was one of those expelled by the confraternity in 1228, 
and with him — hence doubtless of his party — were R. W. de Mente 
and Laurentius de Puyane.^^ In 1273, when a truce was arranged 
between the two factions, we find enumerated as leaders of the Mans 
party, A. R. de Pins, W. A. de Saubaignac, and Martin de Saint 
Jean ; as leaders of the Dardir party are Dardir himself, Bernard de 
Meis and P. A. de Viele.^* Now thirty years are an ample time for 
men to have changed sides ; but, if we assume that these lists repre- 
sent permanent affiliations, we should have as members of the Mans 
faction besides Michael himself, the families of Menta, Puyane, Pins, 
Saubaignac and St. Jean. On the other side would stand the Dardir, 
the Viele and the Meis. Turning now to the names of the hundred 
peers,^^ we find that the name of Michael de Mans heads the list, 
which also contains the names of P. A. de Menta, Laurens de Pinana,. 

"■"Ibid. 

^^Pat. Rolls, 431. 

''Ibid., 468. 

'^^ Pat. Rolls, 1225-1232, 192. 

" Delpit, Notice d'un Manuscrit, 120-123. 

'^R. G., 1215. Pat. Rolls, 403. 



io6 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

B. de St. Jean, G. A. Dens Pis, P. de Pyane and P. de Sauhanac. 
Though the identification of some of these names may seem uncer- 
tain, yet it would certainly appear that the faction of Michael de 
Mans was well represented. On the other side none of the Dardir 
is to be found and only one of the Viele, namely, W. de Viele. 
Peter de Rosset, one of the popular leaders (at least in 1251)^'' is 
however included. From this we might infer that Henry was follow- 
ing the policy of Trubleville and strengthening the position of the 
"aristocractic" faction. His suppression of the confraternity — and 
as we shall see his policy at Dax — would seem to point in the same 
direction. Possibly he aimed in Bayonne as in Bordeaux at a com- 
promise which would leave both represented, and if, as the prosecu- 
tion of the capdel might suggest, the popular party had been im- 
plicated in recent troubles, the omission of some of their leaders 
would not be surprising. We have seen no reason to think that the 
elements dominant in the commune had been actively disloyal, so 
that Henry probably had little reason for seeking to bring about 
a communal revolution, but would be more likely to aim simply at 
preserving the peace both within the town and between the town and 
the nobles. This latter object might seem to be best secured by 
predominance of the aristocratic party. 

Henry used his tour in the south not only to effect a settlement 
in Bayonne but also to make certain changes in Dax, to which we 
must now turn our attention. Dax, as we have seen, had long been 
in possession of a commune. Up to this time there do not seem to 
have dieveloped clearly marked differences of party within the 
commune itself, but there were abundant elements of discord in 
the town. In 1242 the town was the scene of grave confusion, owing 
to violent disputes between the citizens and the bishop, in which the 
king was forced to intervene. Partly for the settlement of this mat- 

^^ Giry, Etablissements, I, no. 



CHANGES AT DAX AND BAYONNB 



107 



ter the king stopped at Dax on his way to Bayonne, and, when he 
had returned to Bordeaux from the latter city, he carried through a 
reorganization of the municipal government. The government of 
the commune had hitherto been vested in a capdel and twenty 
justiciars. This organization the king now abolished, and substi- 
tuted one with a mayor and twenty jurats.^'^ In the charter by which 
he made this change he expressly provided that he should retain the 
right to withdraw this new organization at any time, and that if he 
did so the old system should, ipso facto, be restored. This last 
provision is not a mere phrase, as we might at first suppose. It is 
found not only in the charter granted by the king, but also in the 
charter issued by the newly created mayor land jurats setting forth 
the financial arrangements which they had made with the king.^* 
Even more important, the clause is repeated in a confirmation by 
Edward I in 1278, and is there amplified by a statement of the nature 
of this earlier organization.^'' Hence, it appears that this provision 
must have possessed some importance in the royal mind. 

What, then, was the significance of the change? Or, to make 
the question more concrete, how did the mayor and twenty jurats 
differ from the capdel and twenty justiciars? Abbadie conjectures-'^ — 
what indeed seems practically certain — that the real change lay 
in the method of electing the mayor and jurats. The election of 
the jurats is not elaborated in the charter itself, but in the explanation 
which the new officers made to the burghers it is set forth with 
sufficient clearness."^ The twenty jurats at the end of the year were 
to name their successors, and the new jurats were then to propose 

"L^ Livre noir, 229. Pat. Rolls, 406. 
^^ Le Livre noir, 159. 

^^ Ibid., 187. The charter of Edward is contained in a vidimus and con- 
firmation by Philip IV in 1295. 
''"Ibid., xxviii. 
''Ibid., 159. 



io8 ENGLISH RULB IN GASCON Y 

three candidates from whom the king's seneschal was to choose the 
new mayor. If the capdel was ian official elected by the commune, 
as his association with the citizens in their contest with the knights 
would suggest, the change as to^ the mayor would be a concession to 
the king. In which case, why should he so carefully reserve the 
right to withdraw the new arrangements ? The change to mayor and 
jurats does not, moreover, stand alone. As soon as it was made the 
new magistrates concluded an accord with the king concerning the dues 
to be collected by his viguier in the town.^^ On the whole, these ar- 
rangements seem rather favorable to the royal interests and have 
somewhat the appearance of concessions by the townspeople. These 
considerations would seem to suggest that the jurats were the prin- 
cipal point in view in the changes. Obviously the jurats would 
constitute a communal oligarchy. May not a certain party have 
so far desired this as to make such concessions in the election of the 
mayor and financial ma4;ters as to secure it ? 

The events in Dax just previous to the granting of the new 
constitution may help to explain its purpose. The town, as we have 
seen, had been torn by furious disputes between the commune and 
the bishop. This struggle had arisen out of a quarrel over juris- 
diction and had been extremely bitter. The bishop and chapter 
excommunicated the citizens and placed Dax under an interdict. 
Certain priests, however, refused to obey the interdict and a petty 
schism was thus created. Violence was resorted to on both sides, 
and the king, who was forced to intervene, had considerable difficulty 
in effecting a settlement.^^ Apparently as a result of this struggle, 
certainly while it was in progress, the commune became involved in a 
quarrel with the knights, who refused to plead before the capdel and 
justiciars. From these two struggles we may perhaps safely con- 

'' Ibid. 

"""Ibid., xxxii, 207, 396. Also R. G., 590, 952, 1196, 1201, 1591. Pat. Rolls, 
227, 374, 399- 



CH ANGUS AT DAX AND BAYONNB 109 

elude that there were in Dax two parties, one made up of the clergy 
and the knights, the other of the burghers. Did the division strike 
into the commune itself? We cannot say with certainty, but it is 
suggestive that five knights, who came forward as fidejussors of the 
bishop and chapter, style themselves cives.^^ From this it would, 
perhaps, be rash to conclude that they were members of the commune, 
though this impression is strengthened by the fact that one of them 
is, apparently, the first mayor of Dax.^^ These facts, in any case, 
stand out as fairly clear. At first the commune refused the arbitra- 
tion of the king and seneschal in the difficulty with the bishop, then 
it submits, perhaps is forced to submit. Following this Henry in- 
troduced a new constitution, and a man apparently associated with the 
episcopal party becomes mayor. Earlier — at the end of 1242 — Henry 
had intervened to protect the knights against the capdel and bur- 
ghers.^'^ These facts would seem to indicate the presence of two 
parties in the commune, one of which probably included some of the 
knights and was more favorable to the church than the other. 
Henry intervened in the interests of peace and supported that party 
most ready to come to terms. To secure peace in the town he 
introduced certain changes into the communal institutions, changes 
designed to increase the royal control but also to place permanently 
in power such members of the commune as seemed most disposed to 
maintain peaceful relations with the neighboring seigneurs, principally 
the bishop. He did not, however, wish to establish such persons in 
power too securely, and therefore reserved to himself the right to 
withdraw the new institutions whenever he might choose. 

=*i?. G., 1291. 

"^ Le Livre noir, 297. A knight is also among the citizens swearing to 
observe tihe compromise. 

"'The name of the fidejussor is given as GuiUiermus Lupi de Tilh. Du- 
fourcet {Bull, de la Soc. Borda, I, 458) gives the name of the first mayor as 
Guilleume de Tilh. 

"R. G., 1291. 



no 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



When these arrangements were completed Henry might feel that 
he had done for the time being all that could be done to secure the 
tranquillity of Gascony. In the south he had settled affairs in the 
chief communes and placed securely in power parties seemingly 
disposed to preserve friendly relations with the seigneurs. In 
Bordeaux the dominant faction was strongly attached to him by 
business interests and there the neighboring barons were less to be 
considered. That the good order of the province was precarious he 
may have realized, but there would seem to be little more that he 
could do at the moment. With whatever feelings, whether of confi- 
dence or anxiety, he returned to England in September, leaving 
behind him Nicholas de Molis as seneschal.^^ 

^^ Pat. Rolls, 380. Shirley's list is at fault by a year here. Molis was ap- 
pointed in 1243, not 1244. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE DICTATORSHIP OF SIMON DE MONTFORT, 1248-1254 

Continued disorder in Gascony. Montfort despatched as dictator. Harsh 
conduct toward the nobles. Policy toward the towns. Character of tihe 
municipal parties. Montfort supports popular party. Riot at Bordeaux. 
Proscription of the Solers. Policy in other towns. Revolts of nobles 
and proscribed burghers. Complaints to Henry. Henry abandons Mont- 
fort. Renewed pretensions of Castile. Anarchy in Gascony following 
Montfort's removal. 

During the five years following Henry's return to England Gas- 
cony drifted steadily toward anarchy. ■ The king sought, indeed, to 
strengthen his representative by promising Nicholas de Molis, when 
he was named as seneschal, an annual sum of 1,000 marks for govern- 
mental purposes and 500 marks for personal use.^ Yet the prospect 
was so little encouraging that before Henry sailed the seneschal 
obtained a promise that at the end of one year he might resign his 
office if he chose.^ 

Although the seneschal actually remained in office some two years, 
the time was far from a quiet one for the province which he governed. 
The troubled condition of Gascony is reflected in the zeal with which 
the king helped the towns to construct and strengthen their walls. 
He released the citizens of Bayonne from 320 marks of a sum of 500 
marks which they had promised him and directed them to apply the 

' Pat. Rolls, 382. 
' Ihid., 396. 



112 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



money to walling their city.^ He also granted them 300 marks from 
the exchequer for that purpose.* He directed the seneschal to let 
the mayor and commune of Bordeaux have 1,000 pounds of Tours for 
the walling of their city.^ Later in the year both Bayonne and Dax 
received the royal bond for 100 pounds each for the same purpose.® 
The seneschal is likewise given a letter of credit for 500 marks for 
fortifying the castle of La Reole. In addition he received a letter 
of credit authorizing him to contract a loan of 500 marks to be used 
solely for the defense of Gascony. Afterwards three pairs of like 
letters were given him, and then still others.''^ 

Of the troubles which gave rise to these measures a war with 
Navarre was the chief.^ In this the men of Bayonne lent loyal aid 
and the king accepted as a loan 1,000 marks which they obtained from 
the seizure of such goods of men of Navarre as they found within 
reach. In accepting the loan the king promised to be responsible 
for any future restitution. In the towns themselves there were also 
troubles. At Bayonne the seneschal named as mayor, in defiance of 
the Etablissements, Peter de Rosset, of the popular party ,^ and the 
former mayor, Bernard de Liposse, received a pardon.^° When 
difficulties with France required arbitration the arbitrator first 
chosen, the count of Bigorre, could not act because of war and the 
mayor of Bordeaux was substituted.^^ 

Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that, in July of 
3245, Nicholas de Molis laid down his office.^- The king appointed 

^ Ibid., 422. 

* Ibid., 423. 
" Ibid., 436. 

* Ibid., 445. 
' Ibid., 422. 
^Ibid., 434, 445. 

* Balasque, jStudes, II, 99. 

'^'' Pat. Rolls, 431. A full pardon was given later. Ibid., 468. 
''Ibid., 434- 
''Ibid., 457- 



SIMON DB MONTFORT 



113 



William de Boell to take his place.^^ The new seneschal, who re- 
mained in office over two years, followed his predecessor's example 
at Bayonne, where he named John Dardir as mayor.^* At Bordeaux 
the Colombines remained in power for the entire time. Grants on 
a smaller scale occur for fortifying the towns and Bordeaux received 
a gift of 500 marks, with a promise of as much more.^^ There were 
also some debts to citizens both under Boell and Molis,^'' especially 
to Raymond Makayn.^"^ The king likewise intervened in a dispute 
between Rustengo de Soler and the commune over the height of one 
of his houses in the city.^^ 

In November of 1247 Boell was superseded by Drogo de Baren- 
tyn.^® He, however, remained in office less than a year. The general 
condition of the province was such as to call for a stronger hand than 
his. During his administration, or the latter part of his predecessor's, 
a change had occurred in the party in control at Bordeaux. From 
1243 to 1247 the mayors belonged to the Colombine faction. In 1247 
the year began with a Colombine, W. Gondemer, but his term seems 
to have been interrupted, for we find in the same year Peter Bonafus 
of the opposite party in office, and the commune remained under 
the control of the Solers for the next two years. 

These data from the rolls do not, however, give an adequate 
picture of the general state of the country, which was becoming worse 
and worse. The disorder constantly increased and matters seemed 
fast tending toward the condition of the early years of the reign. 
The nobles had never been under any very great degree of control, 

^'Ihid. 

" Balasque, Etudes, TI, 99. 

"^"Pat. Rolls, 468, S06. 

^^ Ibid., 431, 432, 471, 480, 500. 

"/&tU, 453, Soo. 

^' Ibid., 473. 

'^^ Ibid., 1247-1258, 2. 



114 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 



and Henry's repeated failures and disasters on the continent had 
doubtless much diminished whatever awe they may once have felt 
for the royal power. They waged their private wars in entire disre- 
gard of the seneschal, who found himself too weak to control them. 
Civil strife raged in most of the cities ;^° Dax was being plundered 
by Gaston of Beam ;the viscounts of Gramont, Soule and Tartas, with 
the help of the Navarrese, were ravaging the region of the Labour; 
Amauvin de Vayres and the viscount of Fronsac were battling for the 
town of Blaye.^^ The towns themselves, under aristocratic factions, 
were impatient of royal control. ^^ The agents of the French king 
circulated through the country and claimants for the duchy, either 
in whole or in part, arose on every hand to threaten the Plantagenet 
supremacy in its last province. Among these claimants were the 
count of Champagne and the king of Navarre, the viscount of Beam, 
and the king of Castile, while behind them all, as an ever present 
threat, stood the king of France.^^ 

With this spectacle before him Henry determined on vigorous 
measures. Richard de Grey was sent out as seneschal and charged 
to restore order.^* He, however, soon abandoned the post and the 
king turned to Simon de Montfort. Simon, being just about to join 
St. Louis on a crusade, was most reluctant to undertake the heavy 
task. Finally, however, the prayers of the king and queen prevailed 
and he yielded. But he dictated his own tenns. He was to be ap- 
pointed for seven years and was to be left wholly free during that 
time. If attacked by an outside power he was to have prompt help. 
Two thousand marks were to be given him at the start, and the king- 
agreed to maintain fifty knights in his service for one year.^^ Mat- 

^° Tout, in Hunt and Poole, Political History of England, III, 70. 
^Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 21. 

^^ Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 439, and Tout, ibid^ 
''Tout, ihid. 

" Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 22. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 9, 10. The terms 
of the appointment are an indication of the prevailing anarchy. 
'° Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 22-23. 



SIMON DE MONTFORT 



115 



thew Paris declares that in entrusting him with such powers the king 
ordered, persuaded and besought him to treat the rebels harshly and 
sternly.^*^ Here, then, were clearly indicated Simon's policy and duty. 
He was a dictator sent by the English king to Gascony to establish 
order with a high hand, by crushing and punishing the nobles who 
were disturbing the peace of the province. Whether or not this was 
the real intention of the king, it was clearly the way in which Simon 
interpreted his mission. He appears to have considered himself sent 
to subdue a rebellious dependency, and to have thought that in Gas- 
cony he had to deal with traitors and rebels who possessed no rights 
which he was bound to respect. 

And yet, if we examine the case more closely, had the royal pol- 
icy undergone much change? Hitherto we have seen that the Eng- 
lish hold on Gascony had been based on an alliance with the towns. 
We have found no reason to suppose that the nobles were particular- 
ly loyal to the king. It was the towns, not the barons, that had re- 
sisted the invasion of Alfonso and opposed the French. It was 
against the nobles especially that Simon seems to have felt himself 
sent. How, then, would he be disposed to deal with the towns? 
The question was no longer as simple as in the early days of Henry's 
reign, for, whereas the towns had then appeared as united corpora- 
tions they were now divided between contending parties. If Simon 
were to direct his chief hostility against the nobles, we should a 
priori expect to find him supporting the anti-baronial party in the 
towns, — if, as we surmised, one of the communal factions usually 
tended to a closer alliance with the surrounding seigneurs than the 
other. As we shall see, this result soon followed. 

Appointed on May i, 1248,^^ Simon did not arrive in Gascony 
till the autumn. In September Drogo de Barentyn was ordered to 

'° Chronica Majora, V, 293. 

" Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 264. 



ii6 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

turn over the province.-® (Grey, it would seem, had not taken pos- 
session.) When the earl arrived at Bordeaux he found that the two 
factions had patched up a truce, and, therefore, he began his rule by 
assuming an attitude of neutrality. The Solers, it will be recalled^ 
were dominant in the commune, and by the election for 1249 of Mar- 
tin Faure as mayor they retained their supremacy. ^^ Simon admitted 
to his counsels men of both parties but began to alloAV his preference 
for the Colombines to appear. ^° If we may trust the testimony of 
the Solers themselves the commune under their control was at peace 
with all the neighboring feudal lords.^^ This in itself might explain 
Simon's hostility. 

For purposes of feudal justice Gascony was divided into four 
circuits having as their centers Bordeaux, Bazas, St. Sever and Dax. 
The new seneschal made a rapid tour of these places, holding his 
court in each with a sufficient military backing to secure not only 
verdicts but their execution.^^ His dealings with the nobles whom he 
summoned before his court we have no need to consider in detail. 
Enough that he proceeded against them sternly and with a contempt 
for legal forms that boded ill for the future. At his courts he seized, 
without judgment or trial, some of the seigneurs who had been a 
source of trouble in times past and cast them into prison. Others he 
compelled to surrender to him their fortresses. ^^ This stern policy 
could not fail to cause disquiet, the more so as the earl seems to have 
acted with an arbitrary disregard of forms. This could hardly fail 
to trouble even the law-abiding. Very likely those seigneurs whom 
Simon treated harshly deserved whatever they received at his hands ; 
but, if the viscount of Gramont could be flung into a dungeon with- 

^^ Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 27. 

°'' Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 23. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 23. 

^° Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 23. 

^^ Ibid., 297. 

^^ Ibid., 23-24. 

'' Ibid., 24. 



SIMON DB MONTFORT 



117 



out even being brought before a judge,''* what security had anyone 
that any rights or privileges would be respected if he hampered in 
any wise the action of the stern seneschal? 

Such a beginning may have provoked alarm among the towns- 
people, but Simon gave them other causes of complaint. Some 
of the citizens were treated no less arbitrarily than the seigneurs.''^ 
He did not hesitate to override, in the case of Saut at any rate, some 
of their cherished privileges. ^^ At his court at Dax a decision was 
rendered which gravely affected the interests of the burghers. When 
debts were contracted, it was customary for several persons to act 
as pledges for the debtor and if the latter failed to pay the com- 
mune not infrequently ordered the seizure of the property of those 
who had guaranteed the loan. This practice of seizing property on a 
simple order of a communal court appeared to Simon as one of the 
most frequent causes of quarrels v/ith the neighboring seigneurs, 
and he, therefore, induced an assembly of prelates, barons, knights 
and burghers to decree its abolition.^^ Some of the burghers — per- 
haps all — had indeed assented to this decree in the assembly, but 
secretly they detested it as rendering it more difficult for them to 
collect their debts. The seneschal had thus provoked an under- 
current of ill-feeling in the town.^® 

Yet Simon gave the towns some cause for gratitude. At Dax 
he seized the lords of Labourd, who had been pillaging the mer- 
chants, and imposed on them a heavy ransom. The viscount of Gra- 
mont he consigned to a prison in La Reole. The viscount of 
Soule was likewise roughly handled.^^ No doubt there were many 

^* Ibid., 24. He was kept in prison six years. 
'"Ibid. 

'"Ibid., 24-25. 

" Balasque, £tudes, II, 102. 

^ T'hey make it later a subject of complaint. Bemont, Simon de Mont- 
fort, 301. Balasque, Etudes, II, 582. 

^' Bemont, Simon de Montfort, in the Revue historique, IV, 245-46. 



ii8 BNGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

burghers in Dax and Bayonne who rejoiced to see the barons who 
had pillaged them thus humbled, and the fact that the proceedings 
were illegal doubtless troubled them but little. Whatever its ulti- 
mate consequences, for the moment Simon's stern policy was com- 
pletely successful. The nobles were awed by such unaccustomed 
vigor in the seneschal and a sudden peace descended upon Gas- 
cony. To complete the pacification of the province he concluded an 
accord with the king of Navarre and arranged a truce with Gaston 
of Bearn.*° 

Yet the peace was most precarious. Below the surface innumer- 
able resentments smoldered. Those of the nobles are easy to under- 
stand, but the towns were likewise discontented. Bayonne, or rather 
perhaps some of her citizens, resented the peace with Navarre, and 
Dax was angered by that with Bearn.*^ Moreover, the party balance 
in the towns was most unstable. At Dax there were renewed disor- 
ders and complaints had no doubt already reached the ears of Simon 
against the powers that were. At Bordeaux the seneschal tried to 
take counsel with both parties, and at Bayonne he had forbidden the 
"companies," which was possibly but another name for the confra- 
ternity.*^ This might seem a blow at the popular party ; but he sum- 
moned to his side their leader John Dardir,*^ so that his attitude 
still remained ambiguous. 

During the following year the trouble came to a head in various 
places. Dax and Bordeaux, however, were its chief centers. At 
Dax the retiring mayor, Bernard de Frances, had named his own 
successor; or, at least, secured the election of the new mayor from 
his own party. Legally three names should have been presented to 
the seneschal, who should have chosen the mayor from among them. 

'"Ihid., 247-48. 

*' Ihid. See further Balasque Etudes, II, 582, where the complaints of the 
citizens are printed. 

^ Bemont, in Introduction to the Roles Gascons, V, cv. 
^^ Balasque, £.tudes, II, 116-117, and in the Pieces, 584. 



SIMON DB MONTFORT 



119 



Frances, or the Dacquois, did not trouble to observe the law but 
chose the mayor outright.** Simon at once descended on the city. 
He kept the two in custody till he arrived at Bordeaux, and they 
based his action upon other grounds. During the tumults in Dax a 
cleric had been killed by a nephew of Frances, and Frances, who was 
then mayor, compelled the relatives to pronounce the formula of 
pardon. The mother of the murdered man, however, appealed to 
Simon, who, coming to Dax, forced an assembly of burghers to 
swear not to molest the family of the cleric for their complaint. With 
that he left the city carrying with him both Frances and his successor. 
He kept the two in custody till he arrived at Bordeaux and they 
were then released only after taking an oath not to return to Dax.*^ 

Apparently the storm at Bordeaux followed a little later. Ac- 
cording to Gaillard de Soler, warnings had some time before begun 
to reach Rustengo, his father and titular leader of the party, that 
Simon was allying himself with their enemies and forming a com- 
bination for their overthrow. Rustengo, by this same account, re- 
fused to believe that the English government could take sides against 
one who had rendered such important services as he had done. Yet 
as we have reason to believe that Henry had already placed the 
Colombines in power at the expense of the Solers, we may discount 
these statements of Gaillard, which represent his father and party 
as taken entirely by surprise. 

Of what followed we have two accounts, one that of the Soler 
party contained in the complaint which Gaillard de Soler afterwards 
addressed to the king, and the other in the answer of Simon to the 
charges.*® On the main facts there is substantial agreement, but in 
details considerable, though not irreconcilable, difference. Perhaps 

^Ibid., 109. 
''Ibid. 

** Both are published by Bemont in the Pieces justificatives to his Simon 
de Montfort. 



I20 UN GUSH RULE IN GASCON Y 

from the two we may reconstruct the sequence of events with suffi- 
cient accuracy. Also we may inquire if they agree with such tenta- 
tive conclusions as we have reached' respecting the character of the 
parties. 

The situation in Bordeaux was in substance this. Simon, still 
claiming neutrality, was yet leaning — or seeming to lean — towards 
the Colombines. The Solers were growing uneasy at the preference 
shown their rivals. If, as was suggested, the Solers were more or 
less intimately associated with the neighboring barons and the aris- 
tocratic faction at Bayonne, the seneschal might well feel the diffi- 
culty of leaving in power at Bordeaux a party affiliated with ele- 
ments he was preparing to attack. The Colombines, feeling sure of 
his favor, determined to bring matters to a crisis. On the eve of St. 
Peter and St. Paul (June 28) a tumult broke out in the city. In 
the documents the cause is not specified, but we may surmise that 
the approach of the communal election was the chief factor in the 
case. At this time the mayor appears to have been chosen on the 
twenty-ninth of June,*'^ and the riot therefore took place the night 
before. According to their own statement both the Solers and the 
seneschal were taken by surprise, yet the presence of partisans from 
La Reole would seem to indicate that the Solers were not so unpre- 
pared as they pretended. Hearing of the riot, the mayor, jurats and 
three hundred, who seem to have been upon the side of the Solers, 
hurriedly repaired to the scene of the disturbance and tried in vain to 
quiet it. At about the same time Montfort was aroused from his 
sleep by the news of the tumult, and with such men-at-arms as were 
at hand he hurried forth into the streets. Once upon the spot, he 
commanded both parties to cease their combat. The Colombines, 
doubtless sure of the seneschal in advance, at once obeyed, drawing 
back from the melee and toward Montfort. The Solers, disregarding 

" R. G., 2>7(>7- Pat- Rolls, 303. 



SIMON DB MONTFORT 



121 



his presence^ — or considering him as in league with their enemies — 
continued the attack. So that, whatever his first intentions, Simon 
soon found himself fighting side by side with the Colombines against 
their rivals. After a fierce struggle wherein several prominent men 
of both parties lost their lives, the Solers were repulsed. Simon 
and his forces at once beseiged the house of Rustengo de Soler, 
who, old and sick, had taken no direct part in the riot, and finally 
induced or compelled him to surrender, together with several other 
leaders of his party. 

Order temporarily restored, Simon demanded twenty hostages 
from each of the two parties. Among those who presented them- 
selves from the Solers were Peter Lambert, Peter Viger, Raymond 
Arnold Monader, Thomas, son of Martin Faure, Jordan and Bernard 
d'Arca, Arnold de Camparrian and Silvester Raymond Monader. 
So far as the rolls serve to show, not one of these was engaged in the 
wine trade. Several, however, may have had relatives who had 
some dealings in English commerce. But none, either directly or 
through possible relatives, were deeply involved therein. Not only 
did Simon compel both parties to give hostages, but he also com- 
pelled them to surrender to him a number of their houses. 

The attitude of the seneschal could not be long in doubt. To 
his mind it appeared clear that the Solers were to blame and the 
Colombines comparatively innocent. Had not the latter promptly 
obeyed his orders and withdrawn from the melee while the Solers 
had violently attacked him? Very soon, therefore, he released the 
hostages he had taken from the Colombines, or allowed them to give 
their sons or relatives as substitutes, and restored to them their prop- 
erty, while he detained the Solers in prison. 

Many of the partisans of the Solers had fled the city after the 
riot and in particular the two sons of Rustengo, Gaillard, the active 
leader of the faction, and his brother Peter had been absent at the 
time. Refugees and absentees alike hesitated to return to the city,. 



122 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

where they had to dread not only the hostility of the seneschal but the 
violence of the Colombines, who, according to the Soler version, de- 
stroyed much of their property without interference from Simon. 
In vain the seneschal proclaimed that all might return to the city in 
safety, for he added the provision that they should justify themselves 
before the court. The Colombines now held the commune in their 
hands, and but few of their adversaries cared to face the court, 
whether it were that of the commune or the seneschal.*^ Simon de- 
clared the goods of those who did not return forfeited, and seized 
upon them, no doubt to the immense delight of their triumphant en- 
emies. 

Outside the city the exiled Solers promptly involved themselves 
in the baronial wars. Raymond, viscount of Fronsac, and Amauvin 
de Vayres had previously been disputing for the possession of Blaye. 
The question had been submitted to arbitration, and the arbitrators 
ordered the viscount to deliver the castle of Fronsac to Simon dur- 
ing his term of office as seneschal.*^ Raymond not only refused to 
surrender the castle but he sheltered in it the fugitive Solers. Mont- 
fort acted with vigor and decision. At Bordeaux, after the riot, 
William Raymond Colom had been installed as mayor. At the head 
of his knights and of the commune of Bordeaux Simon sallied forth 
upon the rebellious viscount. Fronsac was beseiged and soon taken, 
but Raymond and his friends succeeded in making their escape. 

While these events were in progress the aged Rustengo de Soler 
died in the prison of the seneschal, Gaillard, his son, having refused 
to take his place as a hostage. If Gaillard entertained any hopes of 
succeeding to his father's property he little understood the temper of 
Simon de Montfort. The possessions of the unfortunate Rustengo 

*' Their reluctance seems to have been well founded for Simon treated 
some who did return with scant justice. Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 30. 
The details are drawn from the complaints of Gaillard Soler above referred to. 

*** Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 30. 



SIMON DB MONTFORT 



123 



were at once seized, among them the castle of Belin, while the same 
treatment was accorded the property of the viscount.^" 

After the fall of Fronsac, Gaillard de Soler and some of his 
friends who were still at large fled to England to lay their griefs be- 
fore the king. At court they were well received and Henry even 
issued an order for the restoration of their property.^^ But their 
prosperity was brief. Simon did not obey the order, and the new 
mayor of Bordeaux, William Raymond Colom, arrived suddenly in 
London. ^^ In a short time he succeeded in changing the royal views 
to such a degree that Gaillard and twelve companions were arrested 
and thrown into prison,^^ where Simon found them when he himself 
arrived in May of 1250. The English council had decided that Gail- 
lard and his colleagues should be tried before the court of Gascony 
and they were accordingly turned over to the tender mercies of the 
seneschal.^* Simon, without troubling himself to try them before 
any court, cast them into prison and at length released them only at 
the price of a heavy fine.^^ 

The downfall of the Solers at Bordeaux was felt throughout 
Gascony. On their side in the bloody riot of June 28 there had 
fought several members of the Pins family, one of the most influen- 
tial in La Reole.^'' Those implicated in the riot Simon seized, and 
in addition he compelled the town to give hostages. This done, he 
placed the Pins and the hostages together on the island of Oleron 
and they remained prisoners till 1254. He also banished many citi- 
zens from the town.^^ From La Reole he turned to Bazas. Here, as 

'" Ibid. 

^^ Ibid., 31, note 2. 

^^Ibid. 

"' Shirley, Royal Letters, IT, 381. 

" Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 31. Letter of the king to Simon in Ry- 
mer, Foedera, I, 449. 

°° Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 31. 

'"Ibid., 31-32. 

''Ibid., 32. R. G., 3929, 4136, 4137, 4291, 4293- Pat- Rolls, 319, 337, 33S 
353. 



124 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

at Bordeaux, there were two factions. Thither Simon went, having 
been warned against one of the factions by the new mayor of Bord- 
eaux. The two factions were led, one by Bertrand de Ladils and 
Arnold de Ladils, the other by William Arnold de Ladils and Men- 
daldus Guitarin. It was this latter faction which was favored by 
the Colombines, and Simon's first act was to demand hostages from 
their opponents. Fearing the same fate as that which had overtaken 
the Solers, they refused his demand and took refuge in the church, 
which Simon promptly beseiged. Many burghers were killed, oth- 
ers seized and banished and their property pillaged.^^ 

The communes of the north thus temporarily settled, Simon 
turned to the south to stop the ravages of Gaston of Beam on the 
Adour.^^ Temporarily triumphant on all sides, he was able to leave 
the province in February of 1250 for a visit to England. In a single 
year he had upset the political balance in three of the chief communes 
of northern Gascony. What, then, was the inner significance of 
these events? 

For one thing it is evident that the parties in these three towns 
were intimately related to each other. Some of the leaders of the 
factions of La Reole were involved in the riots at Bordeaux on the 
side of the Solers, and at Bazas the action of the seneschal was at- 
tributed to the influence of the Colombines. How and why should 
these parties be thus connected? What was the real basis of the division 
at Bordeaux? — for this will almost certainly throw light upon the 
problem. Of the persons who are named in the course of the tumult 
and the events following nearly all of the Colombines were more or 
less involved in the English wine trade, while scarcely any of the 
Solers can be found mentioned in this connection. Jullian, indeed, 
considers that the basis of the hostility of the two parties was a com- 

^^ These facts appear in a complaint against Simon drawn up by two cit- 
izens of Bazas and published by Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 309. 
''Ibid., 33. 



SIMON DB MONTFORT 125 

mercial rivalry in the English market.^" Though he states his con- 
clusions as sans aucun doute, nevertheless there appear strong rea- 
sons for questioning it. There is no doubt that, in the time of John, 
Rustengo de Soler was an English wine merchant. John's seizure 
of his wine proves it. Yet from that time forward no record is to 
be found of his being engaged in that trade. If he were a large 
wine merchant it is strange that, while the English king was almost 
continually buying wine of the Coloms, he never once appears as 
buying of the Solers.*'^ This silence of the rolls would seem tO' war- 
rant the conclusion that Rustengo had turned his attention in other 
directions. As early as 1217 he had been put in charge of a castle 
as a royal officer. In 1219 he had been bailiff of Dax**^ and in 1227 
he had been granted estates in fief.*'^ In 1228 he is put in charge 
of the Castle of Belin,''* which by 1249 he holds as a regular feudal 
possession. In addition, he had been custodian of Bayonne*^^ and 
served as seneschal of Gascony. 

From such a career the conclusion seems evident. Abandoning 
the wine trade Rustengo has become a feudal lord, and gradually 
affiliated himself to some extent with the other feudal lords of that 
region. Around him in his faction he had grouped the Acras, the 
Lamberts, the Faures and the Vigers. Of these we may dispose 
briefly. In 1224 Bernard d' Acra obtained permission to bring 
goods to England for two years.^® At the time Acra was the repre- 

^° Histoire de Bordeaux, 142. 

*^ The only record of such a purchase that I have been able to find is in 
1224, when Henry paid John de Solers for 55 tuns of wine bought at Bristol, 
Rot. litt. claus, I, 597. The name Soleriis was not unknown at other places 
than Bordeaux, as a glance at the index of the Roils will show, and there 
is nothing definitely to connect this person with Bordeaux except the name. 

^" Shirley, Royal Letters, I, 46. 

'' Charter Rolls, I, 61. 

" S'hirley, Royal Letters, I, 320. 

''Ibid., I, 319- 

''Fat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 496. 



126 UN GUSH RULE IN GASCONY 

sentative of the commune in London. Otherwise, neither of the 
Acras is to be found mentioned in connection with the English 
trade. The Vigers — or at least Elias — were egaged in the Eng- 
lish wine trade in the reign of John, that is, in 1203. In 1204, 
however, Elias acquired the estate of Beggles and seems to have fol- 
lowed in the footsteps of Rustengo, for he is not again heard of in 
this connection. There is nothing to show that the Lamberts or the 
Faures were ever engaged in commerce. Another partisan of Rust- 
engo, Peter Bonafus, was a wine merchant in 1224, but, like the oth- 
ers is not again thus mentioned. The other supporters of the Solers 
can none of them be identified as engaged in the English commerce. 
If we turn now to their opponents, the case is different. The Coloms 
themselves were deeply involved in English trade. With them was 
associated Peter Calhau, who was also' prominent in the same field. ^'^ 
Thus we find the chief leaders of the party distinctly representative 
of this class of interests. Of course, on the basis of these facts we 
are not warranted in assuming that the Solers had entirely abandoned 
the wine trade but only that their English interests had ceased to be 
their main ones, that they had become distinctly subordinate to other- 
interests. 

To sum up then what we may conclude concerning the parties, 
at Bordeaux : It would seem that the early commune was ruled,, 
largely if not wholly, by merchants engaged chiefly in English com- 
merce ; that as time went on a division occurred. Some of these mer- 
chants, having doubtless amassed considerable wealth, began to in- 
vest this wealth in land, to acquire fiefs and to mix with and draw 
towards the Gascon nobilty. Gradually there arose an opposition: 
between this element and those citizens who had continued their com- 
mercial activities. By 1229 hostility had grown so great that a revolt 

"William R. Colom was engaged in the English trade in 1242 and 1243, 
{R. G., 349, 837. Pat. Rolls, 313, 2)^2)) • Peter Colom obtains an exemption 
for a ship loaded with wine in 1254 {R. G., 2955). The Calhau were engaged' 
in the same trade in 1243 and in 1253 {R. G., 1466, 1677, 2743). 



SIMON DB MONTFORT 



1^7 



broke out directed against the seneschal, who, with the aid of the 
aristocratic party, suppressed the disorder. The now dominant Solers 
at once suggest to the seneschal the taxation of wine, a thought not 
likely to occur to men seriously interested in this traffic. The two 
parties continue their strife intermittently till Henry, in his campaign 
of 1242, is brought over by loans from the Colombines and induced 
to put them in power. They fall, however, before their adversaries 
in 1247. In 1249 Simon de Montfort again hurls the Solers from 
their supremacy and replaces their rivals. 

Assuming that this interpretation of the situation and events at 
Bordeaux is correct, how does it help us to understand the parties 
in La Reole and Bazas ? A party allied with the nobility might easily 
have more or less close relations with a similar party in other towns, 
and business relations — for one thing — might draw their opponents 
together. Close personal relations between various leaders is evi- 
denced by the occasions on which they acted as pledges for each 
other, as when Peter Calhau and Bernard d'Alhan pledged them- 
selves to the extent of 500 marks for the loyalty of Peter de Rosset 
of Bayonne.''® Similarly we find Columbus de Burgo, a citizen of 
Bordeaux, acting as an agent for Garsie Aquelin, a citizen of St. 
Macaire, and receiving money from the king for his use.*^" Inter- 
marriage also, at times, bound together members of the different 
parties in certain towns, as when a daughter of W. A. de Ladils, 
popular leader at Bazas, married Colombus de Burgo, one of the 
Colombines at Bordeaux.'^*' If the Colombines were a commercial 
party, they would almost necessarily have an affiliated faction in the 
neighboring towns. A group of men engaged in the export of Gas- 
con wine to England could easily form close relations with such 
groups of persons in La Reole and Bazas as were accustomed to 

'' R. G., 3925. Pat. Rolls, 319. 
''R. G., 2680. 
'" Ibid., 4384. 



128 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

make Bordeaux their market. Then too, members of the same 
family might in the way of business settle in different towns. This 
is suggested by the fact that persons of the same name are to be 
found associated with different communes. Thus there was a 
Bertrand de Ladils at Bazas, another at La Reole'^^ and, later, still 
another at Bordeaux.'^^ Moreover we have seen reason to conclude 
only that the Solers and their affiliated factions were not deeply 
interested in the English trade, not that they had withdrawn from 
all commerce. Some of their estates may have been so situated 
that they found other markets for their wine more advantageous. 
It is suggestive in this connection that in 1248 the commune of 
La Reole undertook to protect the persons and property of merchants 
of Toulouse in their city;^^ and, also, that some of the Reolese citi- 
zens who fled before the wrath of Simon sought refuge in Marmande 
and some in Spain.'^* 

Simon had evidently, then, made up his mind to trust the Anglo- 
commercial party at Bordeaux and its affiliated factions at Bazas 
and La Reole. No doubt the friendship of the Solers for the feudal 
lords such as the viscount of Fronsac had much to do with their 
downfall. Simon must have known well enough how much the 
tiobles hated him and he may well have thought it unsafe to leave 
parties friendly to them in control of the towns. When he returned 
to England the province was outwardly at peace, but discontent was 
bitter and the situation precarious. 

During the earl's absence, in March of 1250, the signs of revolt 
began to show themselves. He hurried back to Gascony to meet the 
insurrection, but found that province outwardly tranquil. His ene- 
mies were arming but had not yet struck a blow. At Bordeaux he 

'''■Ibid., 4281, and page 124 of this study. 

" See Index to R. G., vol. III. 

" Ibid., XV, 168. 

'"■ Shirley, Royal Letters, 11, 72. 



SIMON DB MONT FORT 



129 



imposed a peace upon the citizens and forced both parties to swear 
it. The reason for this was perhaps the fact that he saw himself 
forced to release some of the Soler faction and wished to put it out 
of their power to do him mischief. The peace did not, however, in- 
clude the principal Soler leaders, who were to be anathema to all good 
citizens as they were to the earl. Gaillard de Soler is expressly 
mentioned as a child of discord and the citizens are obliged to swear 
to oppose him and his chief followers as well as to be loyal to the 
seneschal.'^^ At Dax also a riot on July 25, ending in the death of the 
mayor, Domemic de Bilambiz, had given Simon an opportunity to 
impose a peace and to compel mayor, jurats and citizens to swear it.'^^ 

For the rest, the seneschal fortified and waited for the malcontents 
to strike the first blow.'^^ At length, having allowed the earl to ex- 
pend most of his money in fortifications and other expenses, his ene- 
mies rose in open revolt in January of 1251.'^^ The leaders of the 
insurgents were Gaston of Beam, Amaneus d'Albret, the viscount of 
Fronsac and other nobles, reinforced by Gaillard de Soler and many 
citizens from Bordeaux, La Reole and Bazas.'^^ A sharp and bitter 
struggle followed wherein, in spite of many odds against him, Simon 
triumphed over his adversaries. By the beginning of 1252 he had 
temporarily cowed the Gascon nobles and compelled the Solers to 
pay a ransom and swear not to return to Bordeaux during his ad- 
ministration. Hence he was able to return to England for the pur- 
pose of defending himself before the king. 

During this struggle with the Gascon barons Simon had com- 

""^ Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 66. The text of the treaty as approved by the 
Hng is published in Rymer, Poedera, I, 461. See also Bemont, Simon de 
Montfort, 35-36. 

'" Bemon't, ibid., 39. 

"The revenues of Ireland had been assigned to him by Henry in Novem- 
laer of 1249 for the purpose of fortifying. See Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 55, 
and Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 55. 

'* Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 36. 

''Ibid. 



I30 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

pleted the series of communal revolutions by overriding the Etablisse- 
ments at Bayonne and naming a mayor from the popular party.®*^ 
Such a revolution is not surprising; the wonder is rather that it was 
so long delayed. The popular faction had been in favor with Simon 
from the first ; he declared later that John Dardir had been his ad- 
viser throughout his administration.^^ This party was, moreover^ 
closely affiliated with the Colombines, since later on Oalhau acts as a 
pledge for Rosset, whom Simon had named as mayor. In addition 
there would seem to have been special reasons for suspicions against 
the faction of Michael de Mans. For one thing, Mans himself be- 
longed tO' the family of the lords of Labourd, whom Simon had ar- 
rested without a judgment on his first arrival in the province. In 
any case, with Rosset mayor of Bayonne the allies of the Colombines, 
dominated all the towns of Gascony.^^ 

Outwardly, Simon was successful in his policy. Gascony was 
again at peace and the revolt against him had been put down. Yet 
the end of his administration was near at hand. His overthrow, 
however, was accomplished not in Gascony but in England. Ever 
since Simon's arrival on the continent complaints had poured in to 
the king. At the very beginning of the revolt of 125 1, while Simon 
was yet in England, Henry's faith in him had been shaken. When 
the earl was returning to Gascony Matthew Paris represented the 
king as saying to him : "By God's head. Sir Count, I will not deny 
that you have fought bravely for me and rendered efficient service. 
But, in truth, there ascends a clamor of grave complaint against you,, 
that men coming to you in peace and summoned by you in good 
faith, you have seized and even put to death."^^ The clamor was 
ascending more and more with every year of Simon's government,, 

*" Giry, £tablissements, I, no. 
" Balasque, Etudes, II, 584. 
^" Except, perihaps, Dax. 
°' Chronica Majora, V, 209. 



SIMON DB MO NT FORT 



131 



and the king was more and more doubtful of the policy of his lieu- 
tenant. For the time, in 125 1, he had sent Simon back with sup- 
plies, especially money.^* He had, however, sent over commissioners 
to investigate the severity of his seneschal. ^''^ Now, when at the end 
of 125 1 Simon returned victorious, the king was more than ever 
shaken by the storm of accusation and denunciation which that vic- 
tory had called forth. For the moment Simon won with the king 
as with the Gascons. Indeed the earl had two strong arguments to 
offer. Behind him lay a pacified province, and in his hands he bore 
a letter from the commune of Bordeaux in which the Colombine fac- 
tion, now wholly dominant, declared that, amidst the gravest diffi- 
culties and the bitterest opposition, the earl had, up to that time, gov- 
erned the king's lands "with potent strenuousness, with prudent cir- 
cumspection, with just moderation, with persevering clemency, as- 
sisting loyal subjects and punishing rebels, without danger to any 
or profuse expenditure."®'' Such a letter from the chief commune 
of Gascony had doubtless a great effect on Simon's contemporaries. 
Influenced by the restored order on the continent and the enthusiastic 
endorsement of Bordeaux, the king hesitated and wavered,®'^ when 
news arrived which destroyed Simon's chief defense. Hardly had 
he left Gascony when the province he had pacified rose in revolt. 
The whole task had to be undertaken again and new supplies of 
money must be found. The earl's policy had accomplished nothing, 
and order in the duchy was as far off as before. Again the rebels 
proffered the same excuse. The injustice, violence and cruelty of 
Simon left them no other recourse. Under such conditions Henry 
could hardly avoid suspecting that there was foundation for the com- 

** Matt. Paris, Chronica Majora, V, 209. 

*° Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 37-38. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 85. 
*' From a letter of Adam Marsh published in the Monumenta Franciscana, 
122. 

®^ Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 45. 



132 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

plaints, and truth in the accusations. Besides, if this went on much 
longer, would not the exasperated nobility call in the aid of other 
claimants, as the king of France or of Castile? Henry felt it neces- 
sary to abandon his seneschal and ordered an examination of his 
conduct. To Gascony he despatched envoys commanding that the 
chief towns, Bordeaux, La Reole, Bazas, Dax, St. Sever, St. £mi- 
lion and Bayonne, should send representatives to present their griev- 
ances to him directly, and that some of the chief nobles should at- 
tend in person.^^ He ordered Simon to remain in England to meet 
and answer his accusers. ^^ 

The royal commissioners found Gascony in chaos. The nobles 
were in full revolt, the towns were shaken. At La Reole, where 
Simon was especially unpopular because of a taille he had levied,^** 
the party depressed by him had revolted and, with the help of Gaston 
of Beam and loo men-at-arms whom he brought with him, were be- 
sieging the earl's partisans in the castle.^^ , The commissioners, after 
some difficulty, succeeded in imposing a truce until the king could 
finish his investigation.^^ Simon, however, did not obey the king. 
Justifying himself, no doubt, by the charter which had given him the 
government of Gascony for seven years, he set off for that province 
with such money as he could obtain. 

Now the threads of Gascon affairs tangled themselves into a 
deeper skein. Three sets of events moved forward simultaneously, 
war between Simon and his foes in Gascony, investigations of his 
conduct in London, and negotiations between him and his royal 
brother-in-law. From every corner of the province complaints poured 
up against him. Even the towns deserted the seneschal. Bazas and 

''Ibid., 41. 

'" Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 81. 

"" Ihid., 72. 

"^ Ibid., y6. Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 41. 

"^ Bemont, ibid., Shirley, ibid. 



SIMON DE MONTFORT 



133 



Bayonne besought the king to remove him. At Bayonne the popu- 
lar party itself, which he had placed in power, abandoned him, and 
John Dardir headed a delegation to complain of his conduct.^^ It 
may easily have been that the earl had gone farther than even his 
partisans were willing to follow, or it may have been that the violent 
turmoil in the province was reacting injuriously on trade, and the 
popular factions felt it necessary to secure a somewhat less radical 
policy. The burghers had, moreover, special causes of complaint. 
The terms which Simon had made with the nobles had often irri-. 
tated the citizens, especially, perhaps, those of the popular party. He 
had also made certain changes in the currency which had not been 
received with favor.^* Many of the exemptions and privileges of the. 
towns he had refused to respect, as when he had insisted upon the 
payment of the tadlle by the citizens of La Reole in spite of their pro- 
tests."^ The peace which he had imposed at Dax and at Bordeaux 
may have been unpopular with certain classes, and he had shown 
scant respect for the burghers on some occasions, as when he pun- 
ished certain citizens of Dax upon his own authority in defiance of 
the complaints of the commune that this contravened their rights of 
justice.^*^ Often, too, the local agents of the earl seem to have been 
unwisely chosen and to have brought discredit on their master.''^ Be- 
hind all other subjects of complai;it there was, no doubt, the greater 
one of the general disorder of the province. That disorder may 
well have seemed intolerable and the burghers have discerned no 
hope of peace under Simon's government. So clear had this be- 
come that even Colombine Bordeaux forsook the seneschal, though 
somewhat later.^^ Perhaps already the nobles were threatening to 

°' Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 305. Balasque, £tudes, II, 584. 
°* Bemont, Simon de Montfort, in the Revue historique, IV, 263. 
"" Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 72. 

°° Bemont, Simon de Montfort, in the Revue historique , IV, 267. 
"Ibid., 261-262. Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 441. 
°* Matt. Paris, Chronica Majora, V, 378. 



134 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



call in the king of Castile, as they were shortly to do, which would 
in itself have tended to alienate the popular factions. 

Henry began at once an attempt at conciliation and compromise. 
Simon in vain defended himself, the king modified and interfered 
with his policy. Besides dealing with the nobles the monarch sought 
to mediate between the parties at Bordeaux. On June 6 he wrote to 
the commune directing that the jurats should be taken in equal num- 
bers from both parties as he had arranged when he last visited the 
city.*^^ We may, however, surmise that the letter had but little ef- 
fect on the Colombines. The king had already, on May i6, cancelled 
as illegal an agreement which Simon had forced the Solers to sign, 
pledging themselves not to appeal from his judgment to the king's. ^°'' 
Seeming to fear that his effort at compromise would fail, Henry or- 
dered the citizens of Bordeaux to keep the peace till he should come 
to Gascony.^^^ Already, then, he had decided to attempt in person 
that pacification which — as it seemed — Simon had failed to accom- 
plish. As a step in this direction he solemnly — and despite the pro- 
tests of Richard of Cornwall — designated his son Edward as duke 
of Aquitaine. Simon at length grew weary of a struggle in which 
he was so ill-supported by his master. Already the situation was 
growing worse ; for Alfonso of Castile was preparing to revive the 
claims which had once before been asserted in the duchy. The Gas- 
con malcontents would have foreign support while the seneschal was 
abandoned by his sovereign. Under these circumstances he yielded 
to the inevitable, and resigning his government in return for a sum 
of money, he withdrew to France.^°^ 

No sooner had he turned his back on Gascony (in April of 1253) 
than a new revolt broke out. This time it had as its nominal head 

"" Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 8g. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 158. 

"'^ Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 388. 

^"^Ibid., 90. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 159. 

"^ Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 49 and Pieces, XXV. 



SIMON DB MONTFORT 



135 



the Castilian king, who' grouped about \\\va numerous feudal lords 
— among them Gaston of Beam — and many powerful burghers. It 
was against this combination that Henry had to make head when, in 
August of 1253, he arrived at last at Bordeaux.^"^ 

The administration of Simon de Montfort in Gascony cannot be 
pronounced a success. As to the causes of his failure it is more dif- 
ficult to speak with certainty. Montfort himself was certainly not 
blameless. His recklessness, his contempt for forms and even rights, 
his harshness, all weighed against him. Then, too, though a gallant 
warrior in the field he was no administrator. From all sides there 
were complaints against his bailiffs and other subordinates.^*''^ Yet 
it is only just to note that his policy was hardly given a fair trial. 
The plan of governing Gascony by the exclusive support of the pop- 
ular parties and the stern suppression of the nobility and its sympa- 
thizers may have been a possible one. But to succeed it needed to 
be persevered in steadily and the vacillation of Henry destroyed all 
chance of success. Yet some historians have, it would seem, been 
imduly severe to the king in this matter. By resolutely supporting 
Simon he might have succeeded in crushing opposition, but it seems 
clear that he must have risked Gascony on the result. One car hardly 
blame him if he declined to take the risk and preferred to recall 
the earl. It remained now to be seen whether a gentler policy could 
quiet the turmoil which Simon had let loose upon the land. 

^"^ Ibid., 50. Matt. Paris, Chronica Majora, V, 365 and 370. 
"* Bemont, Simon de Montfort, 42, note 5. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE ALFONSIST REVO'LT, 1254-1255 

Allonso claims Gascony. Peril to the English rule. Revolt of the Gascons. 
Attitude of the towns. Successful campaign of Henry. Support given 
him by the towns. Privileges to citizens. Treaty with Alfonso. Restores 
peace in Bordeaux and other towns. Treaty with France. 

No SOONER had Simon de Montfort left Gascony than the opposition 
which he had toi some extent overawed broke out in full violence. 
Alfonso X, king of Castile, at once laid claim' to the duchy, and the 
commune of Bordeaux informed Henry that only strong and imme- 
diate action could- save the province from falling into his hands. ^ 
Those in favor of Alfonso gathered under the leadership of Gaston 
of Bearn.^ In vain, Henry sought to impose a truce till he could ar- 
rive in Gascony and promised to liberate some of Simon's prisoners.^ 
Henry had, in May, 1253, named as seneschal a knight resident at 
Bordeaux, Peter de Burdegala.* In August he himself crossed over 
to the continent.^ He found the revolt well under way, with La 
Reole and Benauges as its centers. 

What, then, were the resources on which Henry could rely to 

^ Matt. Paris, Chronica Majora, V, 365. 

- Ihid., 370. 

* Thus he promised to release two brothers of the Pins family taken by 
Simon at the riot in Bordeaux and still detained in prison. Pat. Rolls, 1247- 
1258, 158, 159. He likewise ordered the restitution of the property O'f Peter 
Bonafus and B. Bidau. Ibid., 159. 

*Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 193. 

^ Ibid., 221. 



THU ALFONSIST REVOLT 137 

make head against his rival? Of course he had such support as he 
could get from England, but this seems to have been hardly sufH 
cient to enable him to undertake a vigorous campaign.® He certainly 
depended, in large part, on such support as he could muster in Gas- 
cony itself. Here he could rely on only two forces, on the aid of such 
barons as were loyal or could be won over, and on the towns. Our 
attention, in accord with the general purpose oi the study, will be 
directed almost wholly to the latter. What, then, was the general 
attitude of the towns toward Henry after four years of Simon's rule? 
La Reole was completely in the hands of the rebels, but what of the 
other communes? According to Matthew Paris many of the chief 
burghers were angry with the king himself for having seized or de- 
tained their wine in England.'^ Angry they might be ; but the Colom- 
bines and their allies were not prepared to rebel against a king who 
controlled their markets in England. The Solers as was natural had 
joined the standard of Alfonso, and with them many other discon- 
tented or banished citizens.^ Yet the king clearly trusted to the 
Colombines for even before his arrival in the province he had placed 
the Castle of Vayreis in charge of Peter Calhau" and had thanked 
the commune of Bordeaux for its loyal attitude.^'' Some of the re- 
bellious citizens may of course have been wine merchants whose wines 
had been seized by the English government, since we are only en- 
titled to conclude that the Soler party were not primarily interested 
in the wine trade and not that they had no interest in it. Even in 
the case of the Solers themselves we may well imagine some continued 

" Such would seem to be indicated by his numerous borrowings. See also 
Davis, England under Normans and Angevins, 443, and Tout, in Hunt and 
Poole, Political History of England, III, 77; likewise his appeal to the Eng- 
lish lords for help, Pat. Rolls, 279-280. 

'' Chronica Majora, V, 365. 

* See their pardon at the close of the war. 

'Archives de la Gironde, IV, 19. 

^°Pat. Rolls, 1 247- 1 258, 233. 



138 ' ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

connection with the EngHsh trade but this, if it existed, was of 
minor importance and their conduct was determined by their other 
interests, especially those which linked them to the feudal nobility. 
The attitude of the other towns toward the king was similar to that 
of Bordeaux. Henry simply took Montfort's place and inherited 
at once the support of the earl's friends and the hostility of his foes. 
Thus, the very position of affairs imposed upon Henry a general 
continuance of the seneschal's policy, with such concessions as might 
seem necessary to prevent the spread of revolt. At Bordeaux he 
found the Colombines in power with Peter Doat as mayor ; nor did 
he interfere with their supremacy ; for in 1254, in the first elections 
that would normally be held during his stay in Gascony, Doat was 
replaced by William Raymond Colom. In Bayonne the party op- 
posed to Simon was, perhaps, larger and more aggressive, for, 
instead of placing in office a mayor belonging to either faction, he 
had recourse to an outsider and named Bertrand de Podensac, fol- 
lowing an arrangement which the earl had made with the citizens. ^^ 
What the arrangement was is not stated; but from the use made of 
it it seems evident that the citizens had, willingly or under compul- 
sion, surrendered to Simon the right to appoint the mayor. The man 
selected on this occasion was not a Bayonnese nor a burgher, but 
a knight of considerable importance, since he owed the king a feudal 
service of three men.^^ He was, also, a Bordelais allied to Peter 
Calhau.^^ Doubtless this nomination was intended as a slight con- 
cession to the opposition, though his affiliation with Calhau would 
mean that Henry still relied upon the popular party and, perhaps, had 
his policy dictated from Bordeaux. 

"i?. G., 3755. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 302. 

''R. G., 159- 

^' Balasque, Etudes, II, 143. Podensac is appointed in June. In April 
Henry 'had appointed a certain Furt de Urnum whose connections are entirely 
obscure {R. G., 3144). 



THB ALFONSIST REVOLT 139 

On his arrival Henry looked to the towns for aid and support 
against his enemy. So far did he regard the municipalities as 
friendly that, in spite of the protest of the abbot, he commanded his 
faithful subjects of St. Sever to elect a mayor during the war.^* 
The towns of Bordeaux, Dax, Bayonne and Bazas, at least, rendered 
considerable services to the royal cause. Let us examine briefly 
the nature of these services. 

At the very beginning of his campaign Henry called upon the 
towns for their communal militia as a part of his feudal army. From 
Bazas he demanded 300 men^^ while Bordeaux was ordered to send 
3,000 crossbowmen to Rions.^'' Bordeaux, it is true, exhibited some 
alarm concerning her exemption from military service outside the 
diocese ; for the king felt it necessary to confirm solemnly this pri- 
vilege.^" In spite of such initial anxieties Bordeaux took part in the 
military operations, since in 1254 Henry found it necessary to post- 
pone the communal elections, as the mayor, jurats and the men of 
Bordeaux were then under arms before La Reole.^^ In addition to 
military aid Bazas and Bordeaux had to furnish supplies for the 
royal army. At the same time that Henry called upon Bordeaux for 
her 3,000 crossbowmen he also requested the Bordelais to bring with 
them all the provisions they could find in their city, which provisions 
he promised to pay for.^^ Bazas was called upon tO' furnish wine^° 
and to Bordeaux the king turned for armor, cord, weapons and other 
supplies.-^ Surely such assistance both in men and munitions of 
war must have been a very important asset for the royal cause. 

^^ Lettres de rots, I, 121. Pat. Rolls, 1247-1258, 280. Hereafter when the 
Patent Rolls are cited without a contrary indication this volume is meant. 
^'R. G.,3566. 
''R. G., 3564. 

" R. G., 3768. Pat. Rolls, 303. 
^R. G., 3767. Pat. Rolls, 303. 
''R. G., 3564. 
^» R. G., 2745, 3609. 
"i?. G., 2661, 2695, 2721, 2724. 



I40 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

The southern towns also rendered valuable support, though in a 
somewhat different way. At the opening of the campaign their 
chief use seemed to lie in the annoyance of the king's enemies, since 
in September of 1253 Henry ordered the mayor and citizens of Bay- 
onne to seize upon all goods of Gaston of Beam or of his subjects 
which were to be found within their jurisdiction.^^ In the next year, 
however, the Bayonnese rendered the king a much more important 
service. Gaston attempted to seize Bayonne and introduced some 
of his followers into the town. But the royalist party at once took 
action, driving out the Bearnese and punishing the conspirators.^^ 
Here we may attempt to read behind the scenes a little and surmise 
that the leader of the conspiracy was Peter Rosset, the very man 
whom Simon de Montfort had made mayor, since we find him in 
prison in August of that year and only pardoned by the intercession 
of the king of Castile.^* It may have been only after this attempt 
that Henry named Podensac as mayor of the city. If this be so 
Calhau was still friendly to Rosset for he is one of two Bordelais 
to stand as a pledge for him, the other being Bernard d'Alhan.^^ 

Also, from several towns Henry obtained considerable sums of 
money. From Andreas de Bilambix of Dax Henry borrowed 100 
marks 39 shillings ii pence during 1254.^® At Bazas he received, in 
the course of 1254, 71 pounds Bordelais from Peter de Flus,^'^ and 
at different times 60 marks, 20 dolia of wine, and 86 pounds 11 
shillings 1 1 pence from Raymond Markes, mayor of the city.^^ Bay- 
onne was yet more liberal. At the end of 1253 Henry had appointed 
a commission to contract a loan and sent them to the communes of 

" R. G., 2070. Pat. Rolls, 241. 

" Blay de Gaix, Histoire militaire de Bayonne, 56. 

^*R. G., 2985, 39S4. Pat. Rolls, 321. 

"' R. G., 3925. Pat. Rolls, 319. 

='i?. G., 2323. Pat. Rolls, 264. 

"R. G., 261 1. Pat. Rolls, 295. 

^^ R. G., 2400, 2505, 3749. Pat. Rolls, 273, 284, 301. 



THB ALPONSIST REVOLT 141 

Bayonne, Dax and St. Sever.^^ At Bayonne the commissioners 
obtained 500 marks.^^ In addition to this Henry obtained a loan of 
370 marks 2 shillings 4 pence from two citizens of the town.^'- 

Yet Bordeaux was in this as in former campaigns the chief re- 
source of the royal treasury, and favors to citizens are judiciously 
interspersed among the loans. Thus, soon after his arrival in Gas- 
cony, Henry secured W. R. Colom, mayor of Bordeaux, fromi inter- 
ference in regard to certain mills that he possessed until the king's 
council should have judged the case.^^ During the next month 
Henry borrowed 100 pounds of him.^^ The king arrived in August. 
By November he owed 533 pounds to Arnold Calhau, Raymond Mon- 
ader, Elias Monader and Raymond Makayn for cloth and other 
goods,^* and had borrowed 600 pounds from EHas and Seguin 
Barbe,^^ and 100 marks sterling from Elias Monader.^® In return 
for these advances Henry had farmed the small customs of Bordeaux 
to Elias Monader,^^ and had exempted the wine of Raymond Makayn 
and Peter Calhau from all dues in English ports except the royal 
prisage.^® 

The most serious part of Henry's campaign came in the first 
months of 1254, and he continued to borrow extensively from the 
merchants of Bordeaux. A complete enumeration of these loans is 
hardly necessary and a few examples will serve our present purpose. 
In January, February and April Henry acknowledged debts to Ar- 
nold W. Emeric and Raymond Alaundi of over 116 marks, received 

^'R. G., 222,7, 2238. 

'"7?. G., 22,71. Pat. Rolls, 269. 

^"■R. G., 2322. Pat. Rolls, 264. 

^^ Archives de la Gironde, IV, 28. R. G., 2809. 

'' R. G., 2247. Pat. Rolls, 258. 

"i?. G., 2147. Pat. Rolls, 249. 

'" R. G., 2147. Pat. Rolls, 248. 

°'i?. G., 2144. Pat. Rolls, 24^. 

" R. G., 2145. Pat. Rolls, 248. 

'' R. G., 2697, 2743. 



142 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

as a loan, and 183 marks for wine bought for his use in England.^* 
He also borrowed 400 pounds from Seguin and Elias Barbe and 
acknowledged a loan by them of 500 pounds to his seneschal, *" over 
500 pounds from Elias Carpentarius,*^ and over 500 pounds from 
Elias of Blaye,*- 145 marks from Raymond Monader,*'^ 500 pounds 
from Elias Monader,** and 100 marks from Peter Gondemer.''^ 
There are records of numerous smaller loans, among them several 
from the Colom family. William Raymond advanced the king 80' 
marks,*^ Amaneus advanced 25 pounds,*'^ and Rustengo 20 marks.*^ 
Later William Raymond advanced 57 marks in three separate loans*^ 
and Rustengo 60 marks.®" In return for the money Henry conceded 
a provostship to Raymond Monader,"'^ and exempted the wine of 
Peter Colom from all dues except the royal prisage.®' 

In September the king, in a single charter, acknowledged debts 
to various citizens aggreg-'ating 5,000 marks. ®^ This money had been 
advanced by the following citizens: 3,300 marks by Peter and Ar- 
nold Calhau, Seguin and Elias Barbe, Raymond Makayn, Elias Car- 
pentarius and Raymond Emeric, all wine merchants, and by Elias 
Monader, and Raymond de Camparian, cloth merchants ; 1,700 marks 
by W.R. Colom, Amaneus Colom, Arnold W. Emeric, Raymond Mon- 

^^R. G., 2270. Pat. Rolls, 261. 

^"R. G.,2271. Pat. Rolls, 261. 

*'7?. G., 2272. Pat. Rolls, 261. 

*"-R. G., 2273. Pat. Rolls, 261. 

"i?. G., 2274. Pat. Rolls, 261. 

** R. G., 2321. Pat. Rolls, 264. 

*'R. G., 2511. Pat. Rolls, 285. 

"i?. G., 2277. Pat. Rolls, 261. 

" R. G., 2278. Pat. Rolls, 261. 

" R. G., 2283. Pat. Rolls, 261. 

*' R. G., 2512. Pat. Rolls, 285. 

"'R. G., 2510. Pat. Rolls, 285. 

"i?. G., 2336. Pat. Rolls, 265. 
''R. G., 2955. 

'^R. G., 4302. Pat. Rolls, 357. 



THE ALFONSIST REVOLT 143 

ader, Peter Divac and William Russinol, all wine merchants, and 
and Peter Gondemer, Arnold Bages and several citizens not named. 
Thus the money came almost wholly from the wine merchants and 
very largely from the Colombine party. 

That such loans as these were of considerable importance in 
financing- the campaign of Henry would seem quite clear. It would, 
indeed, seem scarcely possible that he could have made head against 
Alfonso's partisans and finally defeated them at La Reole without 
the military and pecuniary support which he received from the towns. 
Certainly if the townspeople of Bordeaux and Bayonne had been 
actively hostile his cause would have been hopeless. 

But if the townspeople, especially of Bordeaux, assisted the king 
loyally they meant to have their reward. We have already seen 
that the king granted exemption from duties on wine to certain in- 
dividual citizens. In February he extended this privilege to the 
citizens generally. On February 10 the Irish officials are informed 
that the queen has received letters from the king granting the 
concession,^* but it is not till February 11 that Henry himself issued' 
letters patent to that effect.^^ By these he declares that in consider- 
ation of the great services rendered him by the citizens of Bordeaux^ 
he exempts their wine, whether in England, Ireland, Wales or other 
of his lands, from all dues or exactions saving the old customs due 
at ports, and the royal prisage of 2 dolia from each ship. He further- 
more provides that there shall be two judges to assess the prisage 
without unnecessary delay, which delay he defines as more than five 
days. These letters he sealed with the small seal which he had with 
him in Gascony, but promised to cause letters to be issued under the 
great seal and confirmed by Prince Edward. For this charter the 

^* Cal. of Doc. rel. to Ireland, no. 314. 

"i?. G., 2602. Pat. Rolls, 294. The charter is also contained in the Livre 
des Bouillons, 220, wlhere it is given in a confirmation by Richard II. An- 
other confirmation is given in the same work, on p. 237. 



144 ENGLISH RULE IN GAS CONY 

citizens paid the king the sum of 2,000 marks, though doubtless their 
previous loans did something toward obtaining it. The privilege 
was therefore one of great value to the wine merchants. Later, 
in March, Henry provided that letters patent sealed with the seal of 
the commune of Bordeaux should be sufficient to secure the exemp- 
tion.^*' 

A part, at least, of the significance of this concession is obvious. 
The commune of Bordeaux had rendered and was rendering import- 
ant services to the king. Partly no doubt to retain their loyalty 
and to reward their services, and partly, as is obvious, for financial 
reasons, the king extends to them the privilege. It is a plain hint 
as to what interests were dominant in the commune — the Colombine 
party, be it remembered, — and a sufficiently clear explanation of the 
steadfast devotion of the Gascon capital to the English connection. 

Over the details of Henry's campaign we have no occasion to 
linger. On his first taking the field he directed his attack against 
the Castle of Benauges. This taken, he turned on La Reole, whither 
his worst enemies had repaired. The siege of La Reole was long and 
difficult. Indeed, at the end, the king did not win by force as much 
as by negotiations. He succeeded in prolonging his truce with the 
Erenchandin arranging a peace with d'Albret, the counts of Commin- 
ges and Armagnac, and with the viscount of Bearn.^'^ Finally, he 
-entirely ended the war by a treaty with the king of Castile, concluded 
in April. ^^ Prince Edward was to marry a half sister of Alfonso, 
and Alfonso was to transfer to him all his rights to the duchy.^^ With 
this treaty, which was accompanied by a pardon to Alfonso's chief 
Gascon partisans, the revolt came to an end, at least as an open war. 

^"i?. G., 2464. Pat. Rolls, 279. Cal. of Doc. rel. to Ireland, nos. 339 and 

342. 

"Tout, in Hunt and Poole, Political History of England, III, 73. 
^^ Ibid. Rymer, Foedera, I, 498f. 
"'Tout, Ibid. Rymer, Ibid., 509. 



THE ALPONSIST REVOLT 145 

What remained was the task of settling the affairs of the still dis- 
tracted province. 

As long as Gascony remained full of wealthy citizens exiled from 
their native towns there seemed little prospect of an enduring peace. 
Therefore as soon as his Spanish rival was disposed of Henry under- 
took to restore to the towns the burghers banished during the iron 
rule of Simon de Montfort. Prominent among them were, of course, 
the Solers. Shortly after his arrival in Gascony, Henry had author- 
ized Peter Calhau to collect and keep — colligere et deponere — the 
wine of Gaillard de Soler, but had forbidden him to use any of it 
imtil he should receive further orders.®*' Even before his arrival 
Henry had, in June of 1252, restored their property to two of the 
Soler faction whom Simon had imprisoned in Bordeaux without 
bringing to trial, namely Peter Bonafus and Bernard Bidiau.®^ 
Whether the order was carried out may be doubted, but if so, they 
were again imprisoned, for in June of 1254 they are prisoners of 
the king.''^ 

By such measures, small as was the benefit to the Soler party, 
the king intimated to them that his disposition was more conciliatory 
than that of his seneschal had been. The banished citizens could 
certainly entertain some hopes of royal clemency, and Gaillard de 
Soler met Henry with a petition for pardon and professed his willing- 
ness to stand trial for any offenses charged against him. The king 
replied by granting him a safe conduct.^^ Perhaps Gaillard and his 
friends were not as eager for a trial as they represented or perhaps 
their advances had not met as flattering a reception as they hoped. 
At any rate, during the revolt they joined the Alfonsists, for in July 
of 1254 we find them in the train of Gaston of Beam®* and their 
final pardon is given at the instance of the king of Castile. 

" R. G., 2654- 

" Shirley, Royal Letters, II, 389. Pat. Rolls, 159. 

''R. G. 3314. 

'' R. G., 2188. Pat. Rolls, 252. 

«i?. G., 3678. 



146 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

Not all the members of the Soler faction, however, went along" 
with the leaders, and even they may not have taken a very active 
part in the conflict. At any rate, some of their partisans were 
readmitted to Bordeaux during the struggle, for, on March 6, 1254, 
Henry permitted the Lambert brothers and certain other citizens who 
had been banished by the mayor to return to the city, and even order- 
ed his officers to escort them there.''^ 

It was not, however, till the withdrawal of Alfonso that the vSolers 
themselves were fully forgiven. On August 4 Henry, then encamp- 
ed on the Gironde, issued letters patent extending full pardon to 
Gaillard de Soler and his friends and permitting them, to return 
freely to Bordeaux. He also granted them the restitution of all 
the lands and possessions which they had formally held, except the 
castle of Belin, which he retained temporarily in his own hands. '^'^ 
But even this pardon seems to have been little more than an announce- 
ment of policy, and the Solers do not appear to have ventured to 
Bordeaux; for, on August 23, Henry gave them letters of safe con- 
duct permitting them to come to him at that city,^'^ where he then 
was. Doubtless the animosity of the Colombines was too bitter for 
them to return except under the protection of the royal presence, 
till peace could be arranged between the factions. Nor does their 
property outside the city seem to have been actually restored to 
them, for in September Henry issued a series of orders, one to the 
mayor of Bordeaux directing him to permit them to return,*'^ another 
to the seneschal of Gascony directing him tO' restore their possess- 
ions,''" and special orders to lesser officers, one a bailiff, and one a 
provost, directing the restoration of such property as lay within 
their districts.''*^ This would seem to indicate that the property of 

'= R. G., 2612. Pat. Rolls, 295. 

°° R. G., 4275, 4283, 4284. Pat. Rolls, 350, 352. 

" R. G., 3941. Pat. Rolls, 320. 

''R. (;., 3697. 

''R. G.,3695. 

'"R. G., 3696, 3698. 



THE ALPONSIST REVOLT 147 

the Soler family lay mainly in the district of Bntre-deux-mers and 
about the castle of Belin. 

To pardon the Solers was, however, but the first step. It was 
imperatively necessary that a peace should be arranged between the 
two parties. Very possibly the Colombines had long seen that the 
permanent exclusion of their rivals would be impossible and were 
ready for peace — on favorable terms, Henry was, moreover, too 
deeply in their debt to go far in opposition to their wishes. When, 
therefore, he proclaimed in October a general peace and declared that 
it had been made by an agreement of both parties, he was probably 
well within the truth. The peace, he declared, was made by the 
consent of the parties and by the advice of his council and of the 
following citizens: Raymond Brun, the mayor of Bordeaux (doubt- 
less a less violent Colombine who had replaced William Raymond), 
Peter de Burdegala, knight, Peter Calhau, Bernard d'Alhan, Arnold 
William Emeric, Elias Barbe and Raymond Monader,'^^ The ab- 
sence of the Coloms is especially striking. Apparently the peace was 
drawn up by the more moderate members of the party. Its provisions 
would certainly seem just and reasonable. Satisfaction was granted 
the Colombines for the murder of their mayor William Gondemer, 
by the perpetual banishment of Rustengo de Pomeres, who dis- 
charged the crossbow by the bolt of which the mayor was killed, and 
by the banishment for five years of Peter Bonafus who was present at 
the time. If the Colombines suspected others, those so suspected 
should clear themselves by oath. One other citizen was banished for 
five years for wounding a Colombine. In return, if the Solers sus- 
pected any of the Colombines of killing certain of their partisans those 
whom they accused should clear themselves by oath. All other 
grievances and quarrels should be adjusted in a like manner and all 
agreements and oaths contrary to the provisions of the peace were 



148 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

annulled. The mayor and loo men from each party should swear to 
observe the peace and the king expressed the pious wish that mar- 
riages might be contracted between the two parties to allay their 
bitterness. He did not press this, however, saying that marriage 
ought to be free. 

Such a peace depended for its success upon a reorganization of 
the city government. Accordingly, on the day before the drawing 
up of the peace, Henry had caused 14 jurats to be named in his pres- 
ence. The choice of these men was, no doubt, the most difficult part 
of Henry's peace-making, for upon it hinged the future government 
of the city. The jurats thus named were Gaillard Colom, Gaillard 
de Soler, W. R. Colom, P. Calhau, Elias Barbe, Raymond Monader, 
Seguin Barbe, Peter Colom, Rufifard Lambert, William Arnold 
Monader, Raymond Arnold, his brother, Arnold Maysent, Arnold 
William Emeric, Arnold Calhau.'^^ It is evident from an examination 
of this list that a large majority were engaged in the English wine 
trade and that Henry was placing this interest securely in power. 
No less than ten of the fourteen (namely W. R. Colom, Gaillard Col- 
om, Peter Calhau, Arnold Calhau, Elias and Seguin Barbe, Arnold 
W. Emeric, Arnold Maysent, Raymond Monader and Peter Colom) 
either were themselves engaged in this branch of commerce or 
their near relatives, often brothers, were so engaged. Now as 
the jurats chose their own successors, the wine merchants, thus se- 
curely fixed in power, could not be displaced short of a revolution. As 
to the party affiliation of the new officers, there is somewhat more 
of doubt. Yet seven are certainly chosen from the Colombine 
faction (namely the three Coloms, the Calhau and the Barbes) while 
only four are certainly of the Soler party (namely Gaillard de Soler, 
Lambert, and W. A. and R. A. Monader). Three (R. Monader, A. 
Maysent and Emeric) are doubtful, though Maysent probably was a 

«i?. G., 3723. 



THE ALFONSIST REVOLT 149 

Soler, while Raymond Monader and Emeric seem to have been at 
least moderate Colombines. It would seem, therefore, that Henry 
left the Colombines in power while admitting some of the Solers to 
office. If so, he had abandoned his former plan of having half the 
jurats from each party. In this connection the mayors for the next 
few years are most important. Since the jurats chose the mayor 
their choice would be indicative of their party leanings. In the 
following year they elected Peter Gondemer, a Colombine.'^^ In 
1257 they chose Arnold William Emeric, who was succeeded 
in 1258 by W. R. Colom. He gave place to John Colom, who hand- 
ed the office over to Arnold Calhau in 1260, while Peter Condemer 
returned to power in 1261. During the next six years, therefore, 
no pronounced adherent of the Soler party was elected and, at least, 
five Colombine mayors held office, and it is highly probable that the 
sixth was of that faction. With such evidence before us we may 
safely conclude that Henry, while readmitting the Solers and giving 
them some representation among the jurats, yet left the Colombine 
wine-merchants in control of the commune. 

The return of the Solers to Bordeaux was naturally accompanied 
by the pardon of the corresponding factions in other towns. The 
reinstatement of the Bordelais exiles furnished a striking proof of the 
solidarity of these various groups. Henry had pledged himself in 
his treaty with Alfonso to indemnify the citizens of La Reole for the 
losses they had suffered during the war, but in August, apparently 
after his first pardon to Gaillard and his friends, the citizens of La 
Reole, in gratitude to the king for the pardon as they affirm, solemn- 
ly renounce all claims to this indemnity.'^^ Possibly this had been 
one of the influences leading to the pardon, but of this we are not 
informed. In any case the restoration of the Solers would seem to 

^^ He served as acting mayor in 1253, when W. R. Colom was mayor, 
R. G., 2652. 

''* Archives de la Gironde, VI, 163. 



I50 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

be the fairly obvious course for the king. The reorganization of 
affairs at I.a Reole was continued by Prince Edward, who introduced 
there a set of laws known as the new customs/^ in which, among 
other provisions, he confirmed the privileges of the members of the 
commune in Bordeaux/^ 

Peace restored on the Garonne, there remained the southern 
towns. The Ladils and their faction were pardoned, as Alfonso had 
stipulated in his treaty, and this probably applied not only at La 
Reole but also at Bazas. '^^ At Dax Henry finally extended a pardon 
to William de Frances'^® and doubtless to others there who had been 
involved in the recent disturbances. The conduct of affairs in Bay- 
onne the king had delegated to Prince Edward even during the war. 
The Prince had followed somewhat the same policy as that which 
his father adopted at Bordeaux. In November of 1254 he compelled 
the citizens to swear a solomn peace, pledging themselves to form no 
confraternity, conspiracy, or confederation. The principal leaders 
of both parties were obliged to sign a solemn agTeement.'^^ To pre- 
vent the recurrence of disorder in the city Edward assumed the 
right to nominate the mayor, and for some time chose soldiers who 
were not residents of the town. Thus Bertrand de Podensac re- 
mained in office three years. ^° Probably the prince or his delegates 
held the balance fairly even between the contending factions, though 
very likely inclining somewhat to the popular party. 

When, in November of 1254, Henry left Gascony his rule in 
that province practically terminated. Prince Edward remained in 
his place and seems to have continued his father's general policy. 

''Ibid., II, 241 f. 
''^Ibid.; see article 38. 
'' R. G., 4281. Pat. Rolls, 351. 
'^ R. G., 4292. Pat. Rolls, 353. 

''^ A copy made by Balasque is to be found in the Brequigny collection, 
Archives de Bayonne, Piece IV, f. 20. Also in Rymer, Foedera, I, 531. 
*" Balasque, Etudes, II, 193. 



THE AlPONSIST REVOLT 151 

When, in 1259, Henry concluded a definitive treaty with Louis IX 
the period of uncertainty and crisis came to an end. Hitherto the ques- 
tion of whether or not the EngHsh rule in the south should be main- 
tained might be said to have been unsettled. The French government 
had treated John's forfeiture as absolute and had made at least one 
serious effort to enforce the decree of the court of peers in Gascony. 
That attempt had not been renewed, but it might have been at any 
moment. At the same time, the claims, good or bad, of Castile 
were not disposed of till 1254. By the treaty with AlfonsO' (in 1254) 
Henry removed all danger from the side of Spain. By the treaty of 
1259 he secured from France definite acquiescence in the English 
occupation of the south. 



CONCLUSION 

What now are the general results of our survey of these sixty 
years of Gascon history? Certainly, it seems clear that it was the 
action of the towns that preserved the English rule. At no time did 
the English king bring a large English force to Gascony and at no 
time could he rely greatly on the feudal lords. The militia of the 
towns formed an important part of his army, their money financed 
his campaigns ; had they deserted either to the French or Spanish 
it is difficult to see how English rule could ever have been restored- 

In Gascony the towns overshadowed the whole province as they 
did not in Poitou. Hence, in the south the burghers were the decid- 
ing factor and they were largely swayed by their commercial inter- 
ests, Gascony was a wine-producing country and needed a market 
for her wine. In France or Spain she had to encounter many rivals ; 
England furnished a market where she could hope to shut out com- 
petition to whatever degree was necessary. In the early days of the 
Angevins a large trade arose. Bordeaux was necessarily the great 
center of this trade and in her port much of the wine of the smaller 
towns of Gascony found a market. From Bordeaux this wine was 
shipped, to a considerable extent in Bayonnese ships, to England. 
Bayonne was thus deeply involved in the trade between England and 
Bordeaux. The triumph of France would have cost Bordeaux her 
best market and Bayonne a valuable carrying trade. The EngHsh 
government must, therefore, be loyally supported. With these two 
towns loyal the smaller towns must either sacrifice their trade in 
these two ports or follow their lead. Thus the combination of 



CONCLUSION 



153 



Bordeaux and Bayonne could exert more or less pressure on the 
other commimes, the amount varying- directly with the importance 
for the town of keeping open these ports. Thus the pressure was 
strong at Dax because the right to trade freely in Bordeaux and 
Bayonne was very necessary to her ; it was slight at La Rochelle, 
which did not depend upon them. The extent of English rule on 
the continent may roughly be defined as the radius within which the 
Bordeaux-Bayonne pressure was strongly felt. Outside that radius 
England never gained a durable hold. Within that radius her grasp 
was strong even in weakness. The smaller towns might yield for a 
time but they came back readily, so that while France might overrun 
a portion of this territory easily she could secure no enduring foot- 
hold. 

That the towns were thus the basis of their power, both John 
and Henry more or less clearly realized. Favors to the townp 
were their constant resource when hard pressed, privileges and 
charters their chief arms against invasion. Yet many of these 
privileges were more than simple favors. They developed and 
extended that network of commercial interests on which the Eng- 
lish power rested. Thus Dax received the privilege of trading 
in Bayonne and Bordeaux, and La Reole gained valuable exemp- 
tions in the latter port. Whether such favors were granted with- 
out thought of ultimate consequences, or whether the king in his 
charters deliberately sought to link the towns together in an inter- 
dependence on his crown, in any case, the result was the same. 
And, if the lesser towns were linked to Bordeaux and Bayonne, 
these towns were by the same process bound to England, in whose 
market Bordeaux obtained special privileges for her wine. A system 
of privileges which in its results closely approximates to the prefer- 
ential tariff of to-day united the scattered realm of Henry. That 
monarch was consciously or unconsciously building up a sort of 
imperial Zollverein. 



154 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

The problem of government in Gascony was extremely compli- 
cated. The towns were, indeed, linked to England by their com- 
merce but they had other interests as well. Some of them had a 
large trade in other directions. Bayonne in particular had an ex- 
tensive commerce with Spain, and Dax was very likely in the same 
position; La Reole, and doubtless Bazas, dealt to some extent with 
Toulouse and, probably, with France. Each of these towns was, 
moreover, torn by bitter party conflicts. These parties were much 
more complex than the usual explanations of democratic and aristo- 
cratic factions would indicate. Apparently they corresponded to a 
considerable degree with the varying commercial interests that ex- 
isted in each town. Thus at Bayonne the leader of one party was 
engaged in Spanish commerce while the other seems to^ have been 
drawn mainly from the Anglo-Gascon traders. At Bordeaux the 
Colombines were distinctly a party of English wine merchants, while 
the Solers were not, as a party, deeply interested in this branch of 
commerce. 

In addition to these varying commercial interests, or very prob'- 
ably springing out of them, were differences in attitude toward the 
surrounding barons. In a general fashion those elements involved 
in English trade stood out as more or less distinctly hostile to the 
neighboring lords while their rivals inclined more or less strongly 
to an alliance with them. This is most clearly tO' be seen at Bord- 
eaux, where we have the fullest information, but numerous indica- 
tions point to the same conditions in the other towns. 

The chief towns of Gascony were not merely interdependent in 
a general way but there existed a striking solidarity between the 
parties in the different towns. Thus the Colombines at Bordeaux 
were closely affiliated with the corresponding factions in Ea Reole, 
Bazas and Bayonne, while the same thing was true of the Solers. 
In the midst of such conditions the policy of the English government 
necessarily varied. As the seneschals were friendly or unfriendly to 



CONCLUSION 



155 



the nobles they supported first one and then another of the parties. 
But, obviously, the English hold on Gascony depended on keeping- up 
friendly relations with the Anglo'-commercial party and keeping 
that party as much as possible in power. This seems to have been 
the policy of Henry III himself after his campaign of 1242, at least 
in Bordeaux. It was systematically the policy of Simon de Mont- 
fort, nor did Henry attempt to reverse it after the earl's fall. It 
would seem then that in proportion as the commercial basis of the 
division grew clearer, — for at first the party lines may have been 
much confused, — the EngHsh authorities drew more and more to the 
Anglo-commercial side. 

One other consideration is here suggested. Did this necessity, 
more or less clearly realized, of maintaining the Anglo^commercial 
party in power exert an influence on the form of government adopt- 
ed for the communes? In Dax, Bayonne and Bordeaux the king set 
up institutions favoring a class monopoly. May not this considera- 
tion have led to the creation in these towns of communes which 
were close corporations? At Bayonne all rested on the hundred 
peers and Henry named them himself on, at least, one occasion.^ In 
Dax he abolished an older organization and substituted a self-per- 
petuating body of jurats, and in Bordeaux as well communal institu- 
tions centred in such a self-perpetuating body. Such machinery, 
whether or not consciously designed for the purpose, was admirably 
adapted to secure the permanent predominance of a certain body of 
merchants in the chief towns, once they had obtained possession of 
power. 

These, then, are the general conclusions to which our study leads 
and some of the queries it suggests. Whether the same points would 
stand out as equally true concerning Gascony in the succeeding 
years a study of these years alone could show with certainty, and 

^ The peers seem to have been a permanent and hereditary body though 
in the Etablissements nothing is said about their election. 



156 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

yet the general policy of England and the general attitude of the 
towns seem based upon considerations too fundamental to admit of 
any very large variation. At any rate, we have resolved the ques- 
tions with which we started and have seen how and why, not merely 
in general terms but in detail, the Plantagenets, John and Heny III, 
were able to preserve to their successors a remnant of the imposing 
continental empire once ruled by Henry 11. 



LIST OF MAYORS OF BORDEAUX 

The list which follows h 'based upon that given in the Livre des Cou- 
iumes. The list compiled by O'Reilley and that drawn up by M. Brutails 
from indications in the municipal archives have been carefully compared with 
that of the Livre. Where tlhe differences seemed serious they have been indi- 
cated in a note. Mayors certainly belonging to the Colombines or Soler 
parties have been marked C or S. 

1208. Peter de Lambert. 

1217. Bernard d'Acra. 

1218. Peter Andron. 

1219. Bernard d'Acra. 

1220. W. R. Coiom. 

1221. Peter Viger. 

1222. Amaubin d'Alihan. 

1223. Amaubin d'Alhan. 

1224. Amaubin d'Alhan. 

1225. Amaubin d'Alhan. 

1226. Peter Viger.^ 

1227. Amaneus Colom. — C. 

1228. Alexander de Cambus.^ 

1229. W. de Rustengo. — S. 

1230. R. Monader. 

1231. Amfrac Lambert. — S. 

1232. Vigoros Viger. — S. 

1233. Caucem Colom. — C. 

1234. R. Monader. 

1235. Peter Calhau. — ^C. 

1236. Vigoros Viger. — ^S. 

1237. Rustengo de Soler. — S. 

1238. R. Monader. 

1239. Bernard d'Alhan. — S. 

^ 1226, O'Reilley gives Arnaud de Cambis. 
^ 1228, O'Reilley gives William Rostangih. 



158 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

1240. Martin Faure.^ — S. 

1241. Rustengo de Soler. — S. 

1242. Peter Viger. — S. 

1243. William Gondemer. — ^C. 

1244. Peter Oarhau. — ^C. 

1245. W. R. Colom.— C. 

1246. John Colom. — C. 

1247. W. Gondemer, — C, and Peter Bonafus. — S. 

1248. W. A. Monader. — ^S. 

1249. Martin Faure. — ^S. 

1250. W. R. Colom.— C. 

1251. Seguin Barbe. — ^^C. 

1252. Amaneus fils de P. Colom. — ^C. 

1253. Peter Doat. — C. 

1254. iW. R. Colom.*— C. 

1255. R. Brun de la Porte.'— C. 

1256. Peter Gondemer. — C. 

1257. A. W. Emeric. — C. 

1258. W. R. Colom.-^C. 

1259. Jolhn Colom.*' — C. 

1260. Arnold Calhau. — ^C. 

1261. Peter Gondemer. — ^C. 

* 1240. O'Reilley gives John Colom. 

* 1254, O'Reilley gives Raymond Brun. 

^ 1255, O'Reilley gives Peter Gondemer. 

" 1259, O'Reilley gives Arnold Cal'hau. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Iv. Barrau-Dihigo 'has given a useful bibliograpliy of Gascon history, 
covering d'ocuments and works pubHshed down to 1903 : La Gascogne, in the 
Revue de Synthese Historique, VI, 182, 277; also issued separately. 

DOOUMENTS 

Almost all the documents used in the foregoing study are in print. It 
would appear indeed that at least most of the sources of real importance for 
the subject have been published. Sudh unpublished pieces as proved service- 
able were found among the copies made for the Thierry collection, now in 
the Fonds Frangais de Nouvelles Acquisitions, Bibliotheque Nationale. The 
extensive collection of copies known as the Collection Moreau (often re- 
ferred to as the Collection Brequigny) also contains a considerable number 
of documents, though none of the first importance for itlhe period dealt with 
in our study. Search was made in the Public Record Office, London, outside 
of the patent, charter, and close rolls, but nothing of moment discovered. No 
use was attempted, however, of patent, charter or close rolls not yet calen- 
d'ared, nor was search made in local archives. 

The patent, charter and close rolls for the reigns of John and Henry III, 
as published by the English government, and the Roles Gascons, published by 
the French government, are the sources of the greater part of the material. 
The English rolls utilized extend from the first that are extant in the reign 
of John to varying points in the reign of Henry: the charter rolTsi from 1199 
to 1216 and 1226 to 1257, the patent rolls from 1201 to 1258 and the close rolls 
from 1204 to 1231. The Gascon rolls cover the years 1242 to 1243 and 1253 
to 1255 : they are thus fragmentary because the term was used at first only 
of documents — whatever their contents — issued by the king in Gascony while 
documents concerning Gascony but issued in England were entered upon the 
regular rolls. The full titles of the volumes of the rolls us-ed are as follows: 

Rotuli chartarum in Turri Londinensi asservati, 1190-1216. London, 
1837. Edited by Thomas Duffus Hardy. 

Calendar of the Charter Rolls, 1226-1257. London, 1903. 

Rotuli litterarum patentium in Turri Londinensi asservati, 1201-1216, 
London, 1835. Edited by Thomas Duffus Handy. 



i6o ENGLISH RULB IN GASCON Y 

Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III, 1216-1225. London, 1901.- 

Patent Rolls of the Reign of Henry III, 1225-1232. London, 1903. 

Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1232-1247. London^ igo6. 

Calendar of Patent Rolls, Henry III, 1247-1258. London, 1908. 

Rotuli litterarum clausarum in Turri Londinensi asservati. Edited by 
Thomas Duffus Hardy. Vol. I, 1204-1224. London, 1833. Vol. 11, 1224- 
1227. London, 1844. 

Close Rolls of the Reign of Henry HI, 1227-1231. London, 1902. 

Close Rolls of the Reign of Henry III, 1234-1237. London, 1908. 

Roles Gascons, volume 1, pant 1, 1243-1254, edited by Francisque Michel. 
Paris, 1885. Volume I, part 2, 1254-1255, edited by Charles Bemont, Paris, 
1896; contains introduction and index to the entire volume. 

Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland in the Public Record OMce, 
1171-1251. London, 1875. 

Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland in the Public Record Office, 
1252-1284. London, 1877. 

Calendar of Papal Registers, Papal Letters, vol. 1, 1198-1304. London, 
1893. 

First among the otlier sources drawn upon are charters, lists of mayors, 
etc., to be found in the series of volumes issued by the city of Bordeaux 
under the title Archives Municipales de Bordeaux, in 7 volumes. Of clhief 
importance are the first two volumes, bearing the subtitlfes Livre de Bouillons 
and Privileges de Bordeaux. 

The most important part of tihe archives of Dax ihas been publislhed by 
M. Abbadie undier the title Le Livre noir et les Etablissements de Dax, Paris, 
1902. This work forms the thirty- seventh volume of the Archives historiques 
du Departement de la Gironde. 

O'f great interest, especially as showing the conditions of property, is the 
small volume of Martial and Jules Delpit, Notice d'un manuscrit de la Biblio- 
theque de Wolfenbuttel, intitule, Recognitiones Feodorum. Originally pub- 
lished in volume XIV of the Notices des Manuscrits of the Academy of 
Inscriptions and Belle-Lettres, it was printed separately as a small in-folio 
at Paris in 184 1. 

Some information concerning the property of certain burg'hers and also 
concerning the mayors of Bordeaux in the earlier period is to be gleaned 
from Luchaire, Recueil de Textes de I'ancien dialecte gascon, Paris, 1861. 

Considerable material is likewise to be found in such general collections 
of documents as Rjmier (Foedera, conventiones, literae, etc., 20 vols. Lon- 
don, 1704-35. References are to the original] edition), and Champollion- 
Figeac (Lettres de rois, de reins, etc., 2 vols. Paris, 1839-47). Fagniez, in 
his Documents relatifs a I'histoire de I'industrie et du commerce en France, 
2 vols., Paris, 1898-1900, has published at least one piece of great importance 
(the "Constitutio societatis navium Baionensium," p. ii8f. in the first volume). 

Much more significant for Qur purpose is the considerable number of 



BIBLIOGRAPHY i6i 

documents concerning Gascony whidh 'S^hirley has included in his Royal Let- 
ters, which work is one of the most important, especially for the earHer 
years of Henry's reign. It also includes some valuable documents concern- 
ing Montfort. 

Numerous documents for the period of this study have been published 
in the Archives historiqiies du Dcpartement de la Gironde, and a few in the 
Bulletin de la Societe de Borda. 

There is considerable reference to Gascon affairs in the Chronica Majora 
of Mattlhew Paris, the edition here used being that by 'the Rev. H. R. Luard 
in the Rolls Series, London, 1872- 1884. 

In conclusion, attention should be called to the Pieces Justificatives 
published by several writers, especially Bemont, Balasque, and Giry, in the 
works mentioned below. 

WORKS 

For the general setting of French and English history 'with incidental 
reference to Gascony, use has been made chiefly of 'the volumes in the 
Lavisse Histoire de France, written by M. Luchaii-e^ forming the second 
part of volume II and both parts of volume III, published in 1901-1902; the 
volumes by Adams and Tout (II and III) in the Hunt and Poole Political 
History of England; the work of H. W. C. Davis entitled England under 
Normans and Angevins in the Oman History of England; the two works of 
Kate Norgate, England under the Angevin Kings (2 vols., London, 1887), 
and John Lackland (London, 1902) ; and Ramsay's The Angevine Empire 
(London, 1903) and The Dawn of the Constitution (London, igo8). 

Gascony — 

Bemont, C., Simon de Montfort. Paris, 1884. This work is of funda- 
mental importance to any study of Simon's rule in Gascony. Preceding 
works on him by Pauli and Prothero are — so far as this side of 'his career 
is concerned — ^practically 'worthless. M. Bemorat's work is not only extreme- 
ly valuable in itself but it is extensively documented and contains numerous 
pieces justificatives of the highest importance. The chapter on Gascony has 
been republished — ^with considerable additions — as an article in tilie Revue 
historique, IV, 241-277. 

Giry, A., Les £tablissements de Rouen, £tudes stir I'histoire des institu- 
tions municipales de Rouen, Falaise, etc. Published in the Bibliotheque de 
I'ficole des Hautes-fitudes, fascicules 55 and 59 (1883, 1885). Of great value 
for the study of those towns to which the £tablissements were extended, 
namely, Bayonne and the towns of Poitou. The second volume is devoted to 
Pieces, which include a number of relevant charters. 



1 62 ENGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 

Dorgan, P. H., Histoire politique, religieuse et litteraire des Landes. 
Audh, 1846. Contains nothing of importamce for our study. 

Monlezun, I'Abbe, Histoire de la Gascogne, in six volumes. Audh, 1847- 
49. Deals wiholly with the nobility and clergy. Contains little or nothing 
concerning the towns. 

Lamothe, les Freres, Coutumes du ressort du parlement de Guienne, etc. 
Bordeaux, 1769, Contains some interesting information but little bearing on 
the subject. 

Brissaud, D., Les Anglais en Guyenne. L' administration anglaise et le 
mouvement communal dans le Bordelais. Paris, 1875. The work was ap- 
parently prepared with care. It is, however, brief, and besidtes containing 
little upon our subject, is open to the farther objection of being based wholly 
upon French sources. As a consequence the author falls into sieveral im- 
portant errors in dealing with .the thirteenth century. 

Bordeaux — 

Jullian, Oamille, Histoire de Bordeaux depuis les orignes justqu'en 1895. 
Published under the auspices of the city. Bordeaux, 1895. On Hhe whole 
the best work on the subject. It is careful and fairly detailed. It is through- 
out based on the documenits, mainly the Rolls and the city Archives. It is, 
however, as the title indicates, a general history and does not deal in more 
than a few sentences of generalities with the special questions discussed in 
the preceding pages. 

O'Reilley, FAbbe, Histoire complete de Bordeaux. The first part in four 
volumes, Bordeaux and Paris, 1856. This work, by a religious, is tihe most 
extensive yet published. It is very d'etailed but is based wholly upon French 
sources. The author's main interest seems to center around the wars which 
•devastated the country. Ignoring the Rolls he has little or nothing to tell us 
which immediately concerns our subject — little at least beyond wihat is to 
be found elsewhere. 

Devienne, J. B., Histoire de la ville de Bordeaux. First edition, 1771 ; 
a second edition in 1862. Like O'Reilley the author was a religious, a Bene- 
dictine. His history is much shorter and now of no importance. Practically 
everything in it can be found in O'Reilley. 

Lurbe, G. de, Chronique bourdeloise; composee cy-devant en Latin par 
Gabriel de Ltirbe Advocat en le cour, Procureur et syndic de la ville de, 
Bordeaux, et par luy de nouveau augmentee et traduite en Frangois, etc. 
Bordeaux, 1594. This work, a quarto of 63 pages, was continued and aug- 
mented by Darnalt: Supplement des Chroniques de Bordeaux. Bordeaux, 
1619. The sole importance of this slender ohronidle is tha)t it was written 
by one having access to the archives of the city before the French Revolution, 
during which a number of the manuscripts were destroyed. The work pos- 
sesses no serious value however. The author adds but one thing to our 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 163 

knowledge of Bordeaux in the period under consideration: — and that is wrong, 
as has been shown by Rabanis and Sansas. 

'Midhel, Francisque, Histoire du commerce et de la navigation a Bordeaux 
principalement sous l' administration anglaise, 2 vols. Bordeaux, 1867. A 
careful and well documented study. The autlhoT used the manuscripts of the 
English Rolls extensively. 

Malvezin, Theophile, Histoire du commerce de Bordeaux, depuis les 
orignes justqu'd nos jours, 4 volumes. Bordeaux, 1892. The latest and best 
work on the subject. A detailed and in general accurate survey. 

Rabanis, J., Administration municipale et Institutions judiciaires de Bor- 
deaux pendant le moyen age : an article in the Revue historique de droit 
frangais et etranger, VII (1861). This was intended to form part of a his- 
tory of Bordeaux. The autlhor began this history in 1835, printing at Bor- 
deaux a pamphlet with the title Histoire de Bordeaux, which reached as far 
as the time of Caesar. The work was cut short by the author's death. The 
article is a careful study but treats in considerable part a later period. 

Sansas, Memoire sur les origines municipales de Bordeaux : in the Actes 
de I'Academie de Bordeaux, 23 annee. An excellent article. In general har- 
mony with Rabanis. 

Brutails, J. A., Contribution a la chronologie hordelaise. Maires et cures 
de Bordeaux. Published first in the Actes de I'Academie de Bordeaux for 
1900 and reprinted as a pamphlet of 27 pages in 1902, at Bordeaux. M. 
Brutails, who is an archivist at Bordeaux, has here compiled a valuable series 
of indications of the mayors from the various documents in the Archives. 

•Saint-Ceorges, Marie de, Recherches historiques sur I'ofHce de maire de 
Bordeaux, Madrid, 1783. Has little concerning the thirteenth century and 
that little is of no particular importance. 

Baurein, I'Abbe, Varietes hordelaise, 6 vols, in-12, 1784-1786; a new edi- 
tion in 1876. A miscellaneous compilation containing much curious and val- 
uable information. 

Gradis, H., Histoire de Bordeaux. Paris, 1888; new edition, 1901. A 
shoPt popular history of the city. No authorities are cited and for serious 
study the book is worthless. 

Guilhe, Henri Charles, Studes sur I'histoire de Bordeaux, etc. Bordeaux, 
1835. A rather popular and very brief resume of well known facts. 

The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries saw a number of works on 
Bordeaux none of which is now of either interest or value. Among them are 
the works of Carriere, La Colonic, and Bernadau, 

Bayonne — 

Balasque, J., and Dalaurens, E., £tudes historiques sur la ville de Ba- 
yonne, 3 vols. B'ayonn'e, 1862-1875. Of all works on the subject this is easily 
first. In comparison with it the other histories are of little importance. All 



i64 BNGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 

later writers have based their works upon it and have added practically noth- 
ing. It is based on the municipal ardhives, which the authors rescued from 
oblivion and arranged and catalogued. They have in addition consulted 
numerous other French sources and the archives of the Gascon region. Their 
chief defect was their ignorance of the English sources. They pub'lislh nu- 
merous valuable pieces justificatives. 

Giry, A., Les Institutions municipales de Bayonne au moyen age; an 
article in the Revue des Basses-Pyrenees for 1883. Merely repeats What is 
to 'be found in his Etablissements. 

Campaigne, Bertrand, Chronique de la ville et du diocese de Bayonne. 
Pau, 1663. Similar to de Luribe's Chronicle of Bordeaux. Contains nothing 
of particular interest. 

Blay de Gaix, le Commandant, Histoire militaire de Bayonne. Bayonne, 
1899. This work by a French officer contains some interesting material on 
its subject. Most of it, however, hardly concerns our study. 

Masein, P., Bssai historique sur la ville de Bayonne. Paris, 1792. Deals 
mainly with the ancien regime and contains nothing of importance on the 
thirteenth century. 

Laborde, Histoire de Bayonne et du pays basque. A popular work of 
little value. The author's treatment of the commune is borrowed from 
Balasque. 

Ducere, E., Histoire maritime de Bayonne. Bayonne, i'895. Begiris with 
tihe French occupation. Tihe soibtitle, Les corsaires sous I'ancien Regime, 
■describes it accurately enough. 

Both Morel^ M. F., Bayonne, vues historiques et descriptives, and Bailac, 
J. B., Nouvelle chronique de Bayonne, are unimportant. 

Dax-^ 

Abbadie, Frangois, Le Livre noir de Dax. The introduction is the best 
treatment of the commune yet published. It was in part reprinted as an 
artidle in the Bulletin de la Societe de Borda in 1900. 

Compaigne, Bertrand, Chronique de la ville et diocese d'Acqs. Orthez, 
1657. A pamphlet of 33 pages, similar to de Ivurbe, of no great value. 

Dompnier de Sauviac, A., Chronique de la cite et du diocese d'Acqs, 3 
vols. Dax, 1869-73. The largest history of the town. It is fairly documented 
but refeirs mainly to the Livre noir. The author deals at considerable length 
with ecclesiastical matters and has little on our subject. 

In addition to the above there are numerous articles in the Bulletin de la 
Societe de Borda. Some of these are of interest but few add much to what 
is found elsewhere. Specific reference to them is perhaps hardly necessary. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 165 



Other Towns — 



O'Reilley, I'Abbe, Essai sur I'liistoire de la ville et de I'arrondissement de 
Bazas, dequis la conquete des Romans justqu'a la fin du i8e sie. Bazas, 
1840. Practically the only 'history of the town, it yet contains very little of 
importance on the thirteenth century. 

Caudet, J., Saint-Emillion, son histoire et ses monuments. Paris, 1841. 
T'be work was crowned by the Institute and is of some importance. Although 
the treatment of the thirteenth century is very brief, the author publishes one 
or two pieces justificatives of interest. 

Samazeuilh, J. F., Histoire de I'Agenais, du Condomois et du Basadais, 
2 vols. Auch, 1846-47. Mainly a chronicle of wars; contains notlhing of im- 
portance on the comimunes. 

Dupin, Notice historique et statistique sur La Reole. La Reoie, 1839. 
Is quite unimportant. 



INDEX 



Acra, Bernard d', of Bordeaux, may- 
or of Bordeaux, 22 note 14; nuncio 
of commune, 46 and note 34; loans 
of, 52; letters of protection for his 
nephews, 53;thanked fcy king, 60; 
supports increase in duty on wine, 
63 ; loans to Trubleville, '/S ; acts 
as a hostage for the Solers, 121 ; 
connection with the wine trade, 
125-6. 

Acria, Jordan d', of Bordeaux, acts as 
a hostage for the Solers, 121. 

Acrias, family in Bordeaux, 125-6. 

Adour, closed to Dax by Bayonne, 
25. 

Agenois, march of, danger to, 22. 

Alaundi, Raymond, of Bordeaux, 141. 

Albret, Amaneus d', 129, 144. 

Alfonso VIII, of Castile, 5, 7, 8, 9, 

54- 

Alfonso X, of Castile, claimant of 
Gascony, 114, 132, 134, 135; 'heads 
revolt in Gascony, 135 ; his partisans 
defeated, 143 ; pardons given at 
his request, 140, 143; cedes rights 
to Gascony, 144; treaty with Henry 
III, 149, ISO, 151. 

Alfonso of Poitou, son of Louis 
VIII, 86. 

Alfonso, Peter, son of the king of 
Portugal, 89. 

Alhan, Amaubin d', of Bordeaux, 40, 

47- 
Alhan, Bernard d', of Bordeaux, 85, 
127, 140, 147. 



Andron, Peter, of Bordeaux, 22 note 

14- 
Angouleme, 28, 30. 
Angouleme, bishop o"f, 29. 
Anjou, house of, ix. 
Aquelin, Garsie, of St. Macaire, 127. 
Armagnac, count of, 8, 144. 
Arthur, nephew and rival of John, 

i> 4. 

Bages, Arnold, of Bordeaux, 143. 

Barbe, Elias, of Bordeaux, 141, 142, 

147, 148. 

Barbe, Seguin, of Bordeaux, 141, 142, 
148. 

Barentyn, Drogo de, 'seneschal of 
Gascony, 113, 115. 

Bayonne, commune of, 2; trade with 
Castile forbidden to, 5 ; treaty with 
Navarre, 7; support of John, 9; 
privileges of, 10, 17, 27, 91 ; com- 
mercial position and trade of ,12, 
I3> 55j 69; privileges of Dax in, 12, 
25 ; favors to citizens, 14, 45 ; royal 
grants for strengthening, 24, 2,2, 45, 
III, 112; answer to complaints of 
Dax, 27, 28 ; comparison with towns 
of Poitou, 28; siege of La Rochelle, 
43; ships of, 45, 68; castles in 
charge of citizens, 49; mala tolta, 
so, 56; quarrel with seneschal, 57; 
■war with nobles, 57; parties in, 58, 
61 f., 103, 105, 106; confraternity at, 
59, 103, 104, 106; commune collects 
farms, 72, 7s ', difficulties with Bor- 



1 68 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



deaux, 7^; confederations forbid- 
den, 72 ; complaints concerning 
diocese" of, 84; militia of, 87; gal- 
leys of, 88; citizens paid for ser- 
vices, 90-91 ; royal letter to mayor 
and galiotis, 94; the Hundred 
Peers, 104 f . ; troubles in, 104 ; part 
in war with Navarre, 112; sene- 
schal names mayor in, 112, 113; 
attitude of citizens toward Mont- 
fort, 118; companies forbidden, 
118; asks Montfort's removal, 133; 
king names mayor, 138; supports 
king, 139, 140 ; loan to king, 141 ; 
importance of to Henry, 143 ; 
peace imposed at, 150. 
Bayonne, Arnold of, 16. 
Bayonne, bishop of, 8, 9. 
Bazas, commercial position of, 11; 
attitude of, 42; held by French, 
48; parties in, 62, 123, 124; militia 
of, 87; centre of judicial circuit, 
116; policy of Montfort in, 123, 
124, 128; character of parties in, 
127 f.; citizens join revolt, 129; king 
summons representatives of, 132 ; 
supports royal cause, 139, 140. 
Bazas, bishop of, 72, 76, 92. 
Beauchamp, Sir Geoffrey, 67. 
Beam, 9, 12, 65. 

Beam, viscount of, witness to char- 
ter, 8; testifies to loyalty of Bay- 
onne, 27; position in Gascony, 56; 
plunders Dax, 114; claimant of 
Gascony, 114; truce with Montfort, 
118; defeat by Montfort, 124; lead- 
er of revolt, 129; aids rebels in 
La Reole, 132; joins Alfonso, 135; 
leader of Alfonsists, 136; Bayon- 
nese seize goods of his subjects, 
140; attempt to seize Bayonne, 140; 
peace with Henry, 144; joined by 
Solers, 145. 
Beam, Gaston of, see Beam, viscount 
of. 



Beger, Ruffatus, of Bordeaux, 60. 

Beggles, estate of, 7, 40, 126. 

Belin, castle of, 82, 123, 125, 147. 

Benauges, 136, 144. 

Beraud, Arnold, of Bordeaux, 99. 

Bergerac, 51. 

Bergerac, lord of, see Riddell, Helie 
de. 

Bernard, William, 52. 

Bidau, Bernard, of Bordeaux, 145. 

Bigorre, count of, 112. 

Bilambix, Andreas de, of Dax, 140. 

Bilambiz, Domenie de, of Dax, 129. 

Bivernan, John, of Bordeaux, 78. 

Blaye, 114. Blaye, EHas of, 142. 

Boell, William de, seneschal of Gas- 
cony, 113. 

Bonafus, Peter, of Bordeaux, 76, 113, 
126, 145, 147. 

Bordeaux, commune of, under Henry 
H, 2; concessions to commune, 4; 
supports John, 9, 16; privileges to 
'citizens, 10, 14, 22; commercial po- 
sition of, 11-12; privileges of Dax 
in, 12, 47, 84; com'mune controlled 
by wine merchants, 22; Hubert 
asks loan of 24, 34; short wine 
casks used by merchants, 25, note 
27; supports Templars against La 
Reole, 25, 26, 27; Gumbaud asks 
help of, 29; truce with Hugh, 30; 
charter of John confirmed, 30, 31 ; 
wine seized by John, 31 ; measures 
for strengthening, 32, 42, 45, 46, 
112, 113; quarrel with Savary, 39- 
40; attitude of 43, 48; ships of re- 
leased, 45 ; letter of commune to 
king, 46; elective mayor granted, 
47; castles in hands of citizens, 49, 
77 ; closes river to commerce, 49, 
note 41 ; mala tolta, 50, 56 ; French 
attempt to gain, 51 ; part of, in 
saving English rule, 54; parties in, 
59, 61 f., 124 f. ; riots at, 60, 79- 
80, 120 f. ; citizens thanked by king. 



INDEX 



169 



60; treaty with La Reole, 68; goods 
shipped in Bayonnese ships, 69; 
commune ordered to revoke acts 
of Trubleville, 71; citizens collect 
royal revenues, 72-73 ; quarrel with 
Bayonne, 74; men of Entre-deux- 
Mers in, 74, 83 ; Solars dominant in, 
74; royal mandate concerning elec- 
tions, 74; loan asked from, 75 
royal customs of, 82; help of, ask 
ed, 82 ; avalage of wine at, 83 
militia of, 87; help given the Eng- 
lish, 88; threatened by Louis, 1 
Henry III at, 89; ships stopped at, 
90; loans to king, 89 f. ; privilege 
to Bayonne in, 91 ; king's landes 
of, 91, 92; loans from church to 
king, 93 ; commercial privileges 
granted to citizens, 94, 143 f . ; party 
struggles in, 97, 113, 116; mayor as 
arbitrator, 112; center of judicial 
circuit, 116; commune supports 
Montfort, 122, 131 ; Montfort im- 
poses peace at, 128-129, 133 ; citi- 
zens of, join revolt, 129; king sum- 
mons representatives from, 132; 
commune deserts Montfort, 1335 
king attempts to mediate, 134; 
commune warns king, 136; attitude 
of, 137-138; Colomibines in power at, 
138; aid given the royal cause, 139; 
elections postponed, 139; import- 
ance of, to royal cause, 143 ; jurats 
named in royal presence, 148; priv- 
ileges of La Reole in, 150. 

Bordeaux, dean of cathedral chapter 
at, 38. 

Bordeaux, archbishop of, conduct at 
death of Richard; 3; defends Gas- 
cony, 7, 8; sent on a mission to 
Bayonne, 16; mandate of pope to, 
18, 19 ; French attempt to win over, 
51, 52; protects Poncellis, 72; loans 
from, 78, 83; acts as arbitrator, 80; 



seneschal of Gascony, 84; see also 
Malmort, Helie de. 

Bordeaux, Peter of, 80, 136, 147. 

Bosco, Peter de, of Bordeaux, 51. 

Boulogne, Philip of, 66. 

Bouvines, battle of, 16. 

Breaute, Faukes de, 41, 49. 

Brittany, i, 66. 

Brittany, count of, see Mauclerc, 
Peter. 

Brochard, Gerard, master of the 
Templars, 25, 27. 

Brun, Raymond, 60, y6, 78, 147. 

Brun de Barsac, Raymond, 80, 81. 

Buchs, Raymond, y6. 

Burdegala, Peter de, see Bordeaux, 
Peter of. 

Burgh, Hubert de, succeeds William 
'Marshall, 21 ; difficulties of, 21 ; 
letters of safe conduct for Borde- 
lais, 22; measures toward towns, 
24; orders excommunication of 
count of La Marche, 38; war 
measures against Louis VHL 42; 
seeks support of towns, 45 ; letter of 
Bordeaux to, 46; privileges to 
towns, 47; renewal of war with 
France, 49-50, 65-66. 

Burgh, Richard de, seneschal of Gas- 
cony, 70. 

Burgo, Columbus de, of Bordeaux, 
127. 

Cal'hau, Arnold, of Bordeaux, sells 
wine to king, 99, 100 ; loans to king, 
loi, 141, 142; named as jurat, 148; 
mayor of Bordeaux, 149. 

Calhau, Peter, of Bordeaux, stands 
pledge for Peter Rosset, 63, 127, 
130, 140; mayor of Bordeaux, 75, 
77, 81, 83, 97; attacks seneschal, 79, 
80; ordered to surrender castle, 81; 
acts as pledge for king, 89-93; con- 
nected with mint, 92 ; loans to king, 
93, 99, 100, loi, 142; connected with 
wine trade, 93, 99, 100, 126, 141 ; 



lyo 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



mem'ber of Colombine party, 95; 
placed in charge of castle, 137; an 
ally made mayor of Bayonne, 138; 
exemption for his wines, 141 ; cus- 
todian of property of Soler, 145; 
helps to make peace at Bordeaux, 
147; named as jurat, 148. 

Cambis, Alexander de, of Bordeaux, 
59, 77. 

Cani'bis, Alexander de, Peter nephew 
of, 77. 

Cambus, Raymond de, 60. 

Camparian, Raymond de, of Bor- 
deaux, 142. 

Camparian, Arnold de, 121. 

Carpentarius, Elias, of Bordeaux, 142. 

Castile, Blanche of, 53, 66, 68. 

Castile, king of, claimant of Gascony, 
X, 114, 132, 134; relations with 
Gascons, 135, 140, 144, 145. See 
Alfonso. 

Castillon, viscount of 89. 

Causat, Brunus, of Bordeaux, 78, 81. 

Chaboneis, Chiwardo de, 99. 

Chaceporc, Peter, 99. 

Champagne, 66. 

Champagne, count of, see king of 
Navarre. 

Charente, river, 94. 

Chastellerault, viscount of, 42. 

Chitre, 7, 40, 54. 

Cinque Ports, 50. 

Colom, Amaneus, of Bordeaux, priv- 
ilege to, 6; attests an act of John, 
IS ; aided to collect debt, 15 ;mayor 
of Bordeaux, 50, 59 ; loans to Rich- 
ard of Cornwall, 52; debt to Savary 
de Mauleon, 59; loans to king, 68, 
142. 

Colom, Gaillard, of Bordeaux, makes 
purchases at Montpellier for king, 
70, 91; loan by, to Vivona, 7s, 83; 
creditor of Trubleville, 76; named 
as an arbitrator, 80; loans to king, 
89, 90,, 92, 93, 100, loi; receives 



rent of king's landes in payment of 
loan, 91, 92; connected with wine 
trade, 93; possible advantages to, 
95 ; king cedes revenues to, 98 ; re- 
ceives payment in England, 100; 
named as jurat, 148. 

Colom, Gaucem, of Bordeaux, 83, 94. 

Colom, John, of Bordeaux, 149. 

Colom, Peter, of Bordeaux, 72,, 76, 
142,, 148. 

Colom, Rustengo, of Bordeaux, 31, 52, 
142. 

Colom, William Raymond, of Bor- 
deaux, privilege to, 6, 95; mayor of 
Bordeaux, 22,, note 14, 31, 97, 122, 
123, 138, 141, 147, 149; loans to 
Richard of Cornwall, 52; arranges 
for paying debt of Amaneus Colom, 
60; creditor of Trubleville, 76; acts 
as pledge for king, 89, 93 ; farms 
provostship of Bordeaux, 98; sells 
wine to king, 99; loans to king, 
100, lei, 141, 142; visits London 
as mayor in interests of Montfort, 
123; king protects his mills, 141; 
named as jurat, 148. 

Colombines, party in Bordeaux, 59; 
revolt against seneschal, 60; king 
asks loans of, 72, ', policy of Vivona 
toward, 74; dominant in commune, 
75, 7^, 97, 98, 113, 119, 122, 144, 149; 
hold castle of St. Macaire, 77, 82; 
secure confirmation of charter, 79; 
quarrel with Trubleville, 79, 80; 
lose power in Bordeaux, 81, 113; 
loans to king, 95, 96, 98 f., 143; 
placed in power by Henry, 119; 
riot at Bordeaux, 120 f. ; Montfort's 
policy toward, 121, 122; character 
of party, 126 f. ; dominant in all 
Gascon towns, 130; commend gov- 
ernment of Montfort, 131 ; desert 
Montfort, 133 ; king seeks to 
mediate, 134; loyal to king, 137; 
enmity to Solers, 146; peace be- 



INDEX 



171 



tween, and Solers, 147; remain in 
power in Bordeaux, 149. 

Coloms, family at Bordeaux, position 
of, 61 ; possible action against Tru- 
bleville, 71; creditors of king, 95; 
reasons for liberality of, 97; con- 
nection with wine trade, 126; loans 
to king, 142; take no part in mak- 
ing peace,, 147. 

Comminges, count of, 144. 

Corfe, castle in England, 20. 

Cristian, Raymond, of Bordeaux, 60. 

Cryoyl, Bertram de, 94. 

Dardir, John, of Bayonne, leader of 
one party, 58, 62, 105 ; forms con- 
fraternity, 59; party of, 106; named 
as mayor by seneschal, 113; be- 
comes Montfort's adviser, 118, 
130; heads delegation against Mont- 
fort, 133. 

Dax, under Richard, 2; privileges of, 
4, 6, IS ; commercial position of, 
12; complaints of Bayonne, 25, 27; 
asks king to force Neville to pay 
debts, 28; compared with towns in 
Poitou, 28; favors to citizens, 45; 
Bordeaux ordered to respect privi- 
leges, 47, 84; castles in charge of 
citizens, 49 ;commune collects farm, 
73; complaints concerning diocese 
of, 84; disorders in, 103, 106, 108 f.,, 
118, 119, 129; changes made by 
king, 106 f. ; parties in, 109; first 
mayor of, 109; plundered by nobles, 
114; centre of judicial circuit, 116; 
measures of Montfort in, 117, 119, 
129, 133; feling of citizens toward 
Montfort, 118; Henry summons 
representatives of, 132; aids royal 
cause, 139, 140; king seeks loan of, 
141 ; pardon of citizens, 150. 

Dax, castle of, 49. 

Dax, bishop of, 8, 15, 98, 106, 108. 

Daylans, Amaneus, 60. 

Deus Piz, see Piz. 



Dieppe, merchants of, 10. 

Divac, Peter, of Bordeaux, 143. 

Divac, Raymond, of Bordeaux, 31. 

Doat, Peter, of Bordeaux, 138. 

Dordogne, river, 11. 

Dover, castle, 20, 94, loi. 

Dublin, archbishop of, 52. 

Eborard, Rostand, 76. 

Edward, Prince, afterward Edward 
I, 134, 143, 144, ISO. 

Eleanor of Aquitaine, wife of Henry 
H, X, I, 3. 

Eleanor, sister of John, 5. 

Emeric, Raymond, of Bordeaux, 142. 

Emeric, Arnold William, of Bor- 
deaux, loans from, jT), 141, 142; 
sells wine to king, 142; helps make 
peace in Bordeaux, 147; named as 
jurat, 148, 149; mayor of Bordeaux, 
149- 

Emeric, W. A., 80. 

England, revolt of against John, 16; 
difficulties of government, 21 ; gives 
money for war, 33, 50. 

Entre-deux-Mers, men of, 39, 74, 83; 
property of Solers in, 147. 

S,tablissements de Rouen, 16, 104, 112, 
130. 

Farina, castle of, 49. 

Faure, Martin, of Bordeaux, 85, loi, 
102, 116. 

Faure,, Thomas, son of Martin, 121. 

Faures, family in Bordeaux, 125, 126. 

Flanders, trade of Bayonne with, 13, 
69. 

Flus, Peter de, of Bazas, 140. 

Frances, Bernard, of Dax, 118, 119. 

Frances, William de, of Dax, 150. 

Fronsac, viscount of, 114, 122, 123, 
128, 129. 

Fronsac, castle of, 29, 122, 123. 

Garonne, river, 11, 43, 49. 

Gascony, retained by England, x; 
iwine trade of, x, 10, 11; develop- 
ment of towns under Henry H and 



172 



ENGLISH RULE IN GAS CONY 



Richard, 2; commercial geography 
of, II f . ; changed province, 21, 22; 
state of in 1219, 23; sailors of, 50; 
reasons for French failure in, 54; 
parties in, 57; disorder in, 113 f. 

Gauler, William, 26, 76. 

Gaveret, Peter de, 81. 

Gironde, 91. 

Gondemer, Centario, brother of 
Peter, gi. 

Gondemer, Peter, of Bordeaux, king 
buys goods of, 91, 93; member of 
Colombine party, 95 ; mayor of 
Bordeaux, 96, 149; loans to king, 
142,, 143- 

Gondemer, William, of Bordeaux, 
113, 147- 

Gramont, viscount of, 114, 116, 117. 

Grey, Richard de, 114, 116. 

Gride, Peter Emaldi de la, of Dax, 
78. 

Guiterin, Menaldus de, of Bazas, 124. 

Gumbaud, William, 29, 32, 82. 

Henry II, ix, 2, 3. 

Henry III, Gascony menaced, xi ; 
Bayonne asks privileges,, 17; diffi- 
culties at his accession, 18; asks re- 
sumption of crown lands, 38; arbi- 
trates disputes, 39; restrains Bor- 
deaux, 40; grant to Bordeaux, 46; 
concedes elective mayor at Bor- 
deaux, 47; puts castles in charge of 
towns, 49; declares himself of age, 
S3 ; asks continuation of mala to It a, 
56; suppresses confraternity at 
■Bayonne, 59; seizes wine of Aman- 
eus Colom, 59; thanks citizens, 60; 
provokes war with France, 65-66; 
campaign of, 66-68; revokes acts 
of Trubleville, 71 ; supports Vivona 
with royal orders, 72-74; pays debts 
of Trubleville, 73, 75, 78, 81, 82, 83; 
mandate to Bordeaux concerning 
elections, 74; asks loan of Bor- 
deaux, 75; approves truce with 



Navarre, 77; orders Colombines to 
surrender castle,, 77, 81 ; seizes wine 
of citizens, 78; confirms charter of 
Bordeaux, 79; commissions arbi- 
trators in quarrel of Colombines 
and Trubleville, 80; pardons citi- 
zens of La Reole, 81 ; orders Bor- 
deaux to help seneschal, 82 ; orders 
Solers to surrender castle of Belin, 
82 ; confirms cloth monoply at Bor- 
deaux, 82; supports Trubleville 
with royal orders, 82-84; seeks to 
renew war with France, 86; parlia- 
ment opposes the war, 87; cam- 
paign of, 87-89; loans from and 
favors to citizens,, 89-95 ; inter- 
venes in party strife at Bordeaux, 
97; remains in Gascony after close 
of campaign, 93 ; loans from citi- 
zens, 98-100 ;reorganizes communes 
of Dax and Bayonne, 103 f. ;returnis 
to England, no; strengthens towns, 
111-113,' 'war with Navarre, 112; 
appoints Simon de Montfort sen- 
eschal, 114; begins to distrust 
Montfort, 130; renews support of 
Montfort, 130-131 ; sends commis- 
sioners to investigate, 131 ; aban- 
dons Montfort, 132; summons rep- 
resentatives of the towns to Eng- 
land, 132 ; forbids Montfort to 
leave England, 132; attempts con- 
ciliation in Gascony, 134; goes to 
Gascony in person, 135, 136; aided 
by towns in Alfonsist revolt, 139- 
144; policy of, toward Solers, 145- 
146; makes peace at Bordeaux, 147; 
has jurats named in his presence, 
148; restores exiles in towns, 149; 
returns to England, 150; treaty 
with Louis IX, 151. 
Honorius III, supports John, 18; 
supports Henry III, 19; orders 
legate to protect Poitou and Gas- 
cony, 26 ; orders excommunication 



INDEX 



173 



of Hugh, 38; needs French help in 
Languedoc, 41 ; opposes French 
•conquest in Poitou, 48, 52. 

Huse, Hubert, seneschal of Gascony, 
84. 

Innocent HI, 3, 26. 

Ireland, 78, 80, 143. 

Isabella of Augouleme, mother of 
Henry III, 22, 28. 

John, loses northern fiefs but not 
southern, x, xi ; influence of 
Eleanor, x, 3 ; accession, i ; con- 
cessions to towns, 3, 4, 7, 8; pro- 
vokes revolt of Poitou, 5 ; fiefs 
declared forfeit, 5, 13 ; regains Gas- 
cony from Alfonso, 9; truce with 
Philip, 9; difficulties in England, 
13, 14; league against Philip, 14; 
campaign in Poitou, 14-16; revolt 
of English, 16; death of, 17; con- 
ditions at his death 18; grievances 
of towns against, 19; wine taken 
by, paid for, 20, 31 ; charter of, 
30, 31 ; policy at invasion of Al- 
fonso, 45; grant of Etablissements 
to Bayonne, 104. 

Jullian, quoted, 124. 

Knights, wages of, 94. 

Labourd, region of, 114. 

Labourd, viscounts of, 64, 117. 

Ladils, Arnold de, of Bazas, 124, 128. 

Ladils, Bertrand de, of Bazas, 124, 
128. 

Ladils, Bertrand de, of Bordeaux, 
128. 

Ladils, Bertrand de, of La Reole, 
128. 

Ladils, family of, 150. 

Ladils, William Arnold de, of Bazas, 
124, 127. 

La Fave, castle of, 49. 

La Lande, Arnulf de, 60. 

La Marche, count of, see Lusignan, 
Hugh of. 

Lambert, Amfrac, of Bordeaux, 60. 



Lamberti, Arnulf, 60. 

Lamberti, Peter, of Bordeaux, 60, 121, 
146. 

Lamberti, Ruffard, of Bordeaux, 146, 
148. 

Lamberts, family in Bordeaux, loi, 
125, 126, 146. 

Lambeth, treaty of, 20. 

Landes, royal, of Bordeaux, 91, 92. 

Landiran, lords of, 79. 

Langon, commercial position of, 11; 
in hands of French, 48; meeting at, 
79; militia of, summoned, 87; citi- 
zens forbidden to take part in poli- 
tics at Bordeaux, 97. 

Languedoc, 41. 

La Reole, supports John, 9; privileges 
to citizens, 10, 14, 32 ; commercial 
position of, 11, 12; oath exacted 
of citizens, 14; quarrel with Tem- 
plars, 25, 26, 27 ; Gumbaud asks 
help from, 29; citizens restored to, 
41 ; attitude of, 42 ; submits to 
French, 43 ; in French hands, 48, 
49, 51; factions in, 62; treaty with 
Bordeaux, 68; goods in Bayon- 
nese ships, 69 ; property in, for- 
feited, 77; citizens of, banished, 79; 
citizens of, pardoned, 81 ; militia 
of, summoned, 87; service com- 
muted for money payment, 92; 
loans from citizens, 92; citizens 
forbidden to take part in politics 
at Bordeaux, 97; viscount of Gram- 
mont imprisoned at, 117; citizens 
involved in riot at Bordeaux, 120, 
123, 124; policy of 'Montfort in, 
123, 128, 132, 133 ; character of 
parties in, 127 f . ; commune pro- 
tects merchants of Toulouse, 128; 
citizens flee to Marmande and to 
Spain, 128; citizens join revolt 
against Montfort, 129, 132; Henry 
summons representatives of, 132; 
center oi Alfonsist revolt, 136, 137 ; 



174 



ENGLISH RULE IN GASCON Y 



siege of, 139, 143, 144; helps to gain 
the pardon of the Solers, 149; new 
customs at, 150. 

La Reole, castle of, 51, 112, 132. 

lya Rochelle, John confirms liberties 
of, 3; Etablissements in force at, 
4; privilege to, 8; trade with Bayon- 
ne, 13; John at, 14, 15; Hubert 
asks loan of, 24, 34; complains of 
neighboring lords, 27, 29; Gum- 
baud asks help from, 29; assists in 
making peace, 30; quarrel with vis- 
count of Thouars, 35, 36, 37; citi- 
zens charged with disloyalty, 36, 
37; new port at, 41 ; attitude of, 42; 
siege of, 43, 44, 46; revenues of 
archbishop of Bordeaux at, 51 ; 
goods stopped on suspicion of com- 
ing from, 69; ship bound for stop- 
ped, 90. 

Lart, Gaillard de, of Bordeaux, 99. 

lycbret, Amaneus de, 80, 89. 

lyiposse, Bernard de, of Bayonne, 104, 
105, 112. 

London, commune of, guarantees 
loan, 24, 34. 

Louis VIII, as prince, commands 
against John in Poitou, 15; expe- 
dition to England, 16, 19, 20; at- 
tacks Languedoc, 21 ; danger from, 
24, 26; accession of, 41; renews 
war, 41, 42; invades Gascony, 43, 
44, 48; captures La Rochelle, 44; 
returns to Paris, 48; favors to 
towns, 49; buys support of chate- 
lains, 49; involved in Albigensian 
crusade, 52; death of, 53; reasons 
for failure in Gascony, 54; grant of 
Poitou to his son Alfonso, 86. 

Louis IX, accession of, 53; defeats 
Henry at Taillebourg, 88; invades 
Gascony, 88; concludes a truce, 89; 
treaty with Henry III, xi, 151. 

Lusignan, Hugh of, count of La 
Marche, loan to seneschal, 23 ; har- 



rasses Niort, 23; marriage of with 
Isabella, 28; quarrels with English, 
28, 29; makes peace with English, 
30, 38; quarrels with Savary, 37, 
38, 41 ; deserts to French, 41 ; leads 
French attack on Gascony, 48 ; fails 
to relieve siege of La Reole, 51; 
mandate of pope to, 52, 53; grant 
of Niort by Henry, 53; loyal to 
French, 68; quarrel with Alfonso, 
of Poitou, 86. 

Macheler, Bernard, 76. 

Maine, declares for Arthur, i ; con- 
quered by Philip, 5. 

Makayn, Raymond, of Bordeaux, 
loan to Trubleville, 78, 81 ; loans to 
king, 92, 93, 99, 100, loi, 141, 142; 
connected with mint at Bordeaux, 
92 ; king exempts wine of, 93, 141 ; 
member of Colombine party, 95, 96. 

Makayn, Raymond Arnold, 96. 

Makayn de la Ruchelle, Arnold, 96. 

Mala toltarSo, 51, 56. 

Malmort, Helie de, archbishop of 
Bordeaux, 8. 

Mans, Michael de, of Bayonne, leader 
of a party, 58, 105 ; expelled from 
city, 59; Spanish interests of, 62; 
connected with the viscounts of 
Labourd, 64, 130; party of, 105, 106. 

Mansy, act dated at, 15. 

Markes, Raymond, of Bazas, 140. 

Marlettus, nuncio of La Reole, 27. 

Marmande, 128. 

Marshall, William, regent for Henry 
III, 18, 19, 20, 21, 25. 

Mauclerc, Peter, count of Brittany, 
SO, 66. 

Mauleon, Savary de, seneschal of 
Gascony, 35 ; loan from La Ro- 
chelle, 36; instructed to resume 
crown lands, 38; difficulties of, 38, 
39; ordered to restore citizens in 
La Reole, 41 ; Hubert asks loan for, 
42; besieged in Niort, 43; besieged 



INDEX 



175 



in La Rochelle, 43 ; deserts English, 
44; relations to mayor of Bor- 
deaux, 47; debt of Amaneus Colom 
to, 59. 

Maysent, Arnold, of Bordeaux, loans 
from, 78, 81, 93, lOi ; wine of seized, 
94; privilege to, 94, 95; member of 
Soler party, 96, loi note 92 ; named 
as jurat, 148. 

Meis, Bernard de, of Bayonne, 105. 

Menta, P. A. de, of Bayonne, 105. 

Mente, R. W. de, of Bayonne, 105. 

Mercato, Rustengo de, of Bordeaux, 
89, 93, 96, loi. 

Mirabeau, castle of, 29. 

Molis, Nicholas de, seneschal of Gas- 
cony, no, III, 112, 113. 

Monader, Elias, of Bordeaux, 141, 
142. 

Monader, Raymond, of Bordeaux, 
mayor of Bordeaux, 60, 68, 75, 
77; loans from, 68, 73, 141, 142; 
connected with mint at Bordeaux^ 
92; receives a provostship, 142; 
helps to make peace, 147; named 
as jurat, 148, 149. 

Monader, Raymond Arnold, of Bor- 
deaux, hostage for Solers, 121 ; 
named as jurat, 148. 

Monader, Silvester Raymond, of Bor- 
deaux, hostage for Solers, 121. 

Monader, William Arnold, of Bor- 
deaux, brother of Raymond Arnold 
Monader, named as jurat, 148. 

Money, value of, 24, note 20. 
Montfort, Simon de, seneschal of 
Gascony, policy toward parties in 
Gascony, 64 f . ; citizens oppressed 
'by, 77y 78; terms of appointment as 
seneschal, 114; policy of, 115; 
shows preference for Colombines, 
116; holds judicial circuit, 116; 
overrides privileges of citizens, 117,* 
temporary success of, 118; meas- 
ures in Dax, 118-119; riot at Bor- 



deaux, 119 f.; takes 'hostages, 121; 
releases Colombines, 121 ; pro- 
scribes Solers, 122; suppresses re- 
volt, 122; Solers, etc., flee to Eng- 
land, 123 ; they are surrendered and 
imprisoned, 123-124; policy of, 
toward parties, 123-124, 127, 128; 
imposes peace at Bordeaux and 
Dax, 128-129; suppresses revolt and 
returns to England, 129; names 
mayor at Bayonne, 130, 140; com- 
plaints against in England, 130; 
overcomes his accusers, 131 ; revolt 
in Gascony, 131 ; returns to Gas- 
cony, 132; complaints against, 133; 
retires to France, 134; estimate of, 
135-136; citizens banished by, 145. 
Montpellier, 70, 91. 
Mota, Gerold de, 15. 
Muneer, Raymond de. 60. 
Munt, Revel, William de, 90. 
Navarre, 12, 65 ; treaty of John with, 

5; truce with, 76; war with, 112. 
Navarre, king of, count of Cham- 
pagne, 114, 118. 
Neville, Geoffrey, seneschal of Gas- 
cony, warns Henry, 22; difficulties 
of, 23; demands arrears of Bay- 
onne, 24; goes to England, 26; 
debts of, 28, 31, 36; sent to Bor- 
deaux, 39; ordered to help Savary, 
41. 
Niort, 8, 36; commune receives char- 
ter, 3; difficulties with lords, 23, 
27; compared with Dax and Bay- 
onne, 28 ; demanded by Isabella, 28 ; 
oppressed by Hugh, 29; represen- 
tatives help in making peace, 30; 
asks for strong seneschal, 32 ; pro- 
tests against appointment of vis- 
count of Thouars as seneschal, 33; 
attitude of, 42; siege of, 43; ac- 
cused by Bordeaux, 46 ; ceded to 
Hugh, 53. 



176 



BNGLISH RULE IN GASCONY 



Oleron, isle of, commune receives 
charter, 3; privileges to, 8; castle 
of, 72; prior of St. George in, 82; 
used as prison, 123. 

Orthez, viscount of, 8. 

Otto IV, Holy Roman Emperor, 14, 

15. 
Paris, Matthew, cited, 8g, 91, 98, 103, 

115, 130. 

Parthenay, lord of, 27. 

Peregort, Arnold de, ^6. 

Perer, William Vidou de, of Bay- 
onne, 78. 

Perigord, 22, 29. 

Philip Augustus, ix, i ; recognizes 
John, 4; conquers John's northern 
fiefs, 5 ; forms alliance with Al- 
fonso, 7; maintains peace, 16, 18, 
21 ; death of, 41. 

Pinana, Laurens de, of Bayonne, 105. 

Pins, A. R. de, of Bayonne, 105. 

Pins, Donatus de, of La Reole, 92. 

Pins, family of, at La Reole, 123. 

Pins, Raymond de, of La Reole, 7, 92. 

Pins, Senebrunus de, 7, 14. 

Piz, G. A. Deus, of Bayonne, 106. 

Podensac, Bertrand de, 138, 140, 150. 

Poitiers, 48. 

Poitou, lords of, 5, 15; conquered 'by 
Philip, 7, 8; difficulty of holding by 
privileges, 11; attacked by John, 14, 
15; granted to Alfonso, 86; nobles 
appeal to Henry, 86. 

Poitou, archdeacon of, 16. 

Poitou, bishop of, 29. 

Pomeres, Rustengo de, 147. 

Poncellis, Richard de, 71. 

Pons, Reginald de, seneschal of Gas- 
cony, 15. 

Port, Arnold de, of La Reole, 53. 

Port, Raymond de, of La Reole, 53. 

Provins, fair at, 99. 

Puyane, Laurentius de, of Bayonne, 
105. 

Pyane, P. de, of Bayonne,, 106. 



Raymond, William, of Bordeaux, 52. 

Reisac, Arnold, of Bordeaux, 20. 

Richard 1, ix, xi, i, 2, 4. 

Richard, Earl of Cornwall, brother 
of Henry HL expedition of, 50-53 ; 
mala tolta given to, 50, 56; de- 
prived of Gascony, 134. 

Ridell, Helie, lord of Bergerac, 22, 
51, 80, 82. 

Ridell, Geoffrey, lord of Blaye, 83. 

Rions, 139. 

Rocheford, castle of, y2. 

Roches, Peter de, 65. 

Rosset, Peter, of Bayonne, Calhau 
acts as pledge for, 63, 127, 130; 
loan to king, 92; named as one of 
Hundred Peers, 106; mayor of Bay- 
onne, 112, 130; leader of 'anti- 
English conspiracy, 140. 

Royan, 87. 

Rusinol, William, of Bordeaux, 143. 

Rustani, William, 60. 

RustengOf- William, of Bordeaux, 60. 

Ryon, Bernard de, 80. 

St. Andrews, chapter of, at Bor- 
deaux, 92. 

Sainte Baseille, men of, letter to 
Henry, 79, 80. 

St. Cross, convent of, at Bordeaux, 
93- 

St. fimilion, commune receives char- 
ter, 4; commercial position of, 11; 
attitude of, 42; submits to French, 
43; under French control, 48, 49; 
Elias Viger of, 82; militia of, 87; 
Henry summons representatives of, 
132. 

St. George, Peter de, of Dax, 76. 

St. George, prior of, 82. 

Saint Jean, Martin de, of Bayonne, 
105. 

St. Jean, B. de, of Bayonne, 106. 

St. Jean-d'Angely, commune receives 
charter, 3; -deserts to Philip, 7; 
conduct under John, 11; harrassed 



INDEX 



177 



by lord of Parthenay, 27; oppres- 
sed by Hugh, 29; representatives 
assist in making peace, 30; attitude 
of, 42; yields to Louis VIII, 43; 
accused by Bordeaux, 46. 

Saintes, 4, 88, 89. 

St. Macaire, commercial position of, 
II, 12; held by French, 48; castle 
of, 77, 81, 82; militia of, 87; citizen 
of, 127. 

Saintonge, 29, 88. 

St. Sever, 116, 132, 139, 141. 

St. Sever, Abbott of, I39- 

St. Severin, church of, at Bordeaux, 

93- 

Sancho, king of Navarre, 7. 

Sancta Columba, Bonafus de, 83. 

Sancto Erardo, Peter de, 77. 

San Sebastian, charter dated at, 8. 

Saubaignac, W. A. de, of Bayonne, 
105. 

Saubanac, P. de, of Bayonne, 106. 

Saut, 117. 

Soler, GaiUard de, of Bordeaux, 20; 
quoted, 119; absent at time of riot, 
121 ; refuses to become a hostage, 
122; property confiscated, 122, 123; 
flees to England, 123 ; proscribed 
by Montfort, 129; joins revolt, 129, 
145 ; property of, 145 ; petitions for 
pardon, 145; pardon of, 146; nam- 
ed as jurat, 148. 

Soler, Peter de, 121. 

Soler, Rustengo de, imprisoned by 
John, 19; position at Bordeaux, 19, 
20; wine of, seized by John, 20, 54; 
bailiff of Dax, 20, 125; commis- 
sioned to fortify Bordeaux, ^2; 
gift of lands to, 53, 125 ; custodian 
of Bayonne, 57, 58, 125; thanked 
by king, 60; connection with wine 
trade, 62, 125 ; asked to help sen- 
eschal, 72 ; acts as seneschal, 75 ; 
loans from, 76, 81, 89, 93, 96; ne- 
gociates truce with Navarre,, 76; 



named as arbitrator, 80; mayor of 
Bordeaux, 81, 83, 85, 96; seneschal 
of Gascony, 85, 88, 125 ; resigns as 
seneschal, 97; dispute with com- 
mune, 113; warnings brought to, 
119; surrenders to Montfort, 121; 
dies in prison, 122; resume of 
career, 125. 

Solers, family at Bordeaux, position 
of, 12; asociated with nobles, 64, 
128; hold castle of Belin, 82; con- 
nection with wine trade, 93 ; prop- 
erty of, 146. 

Solers, John de, 45. 

Solers, party in Bordeaux, 59, 60, 
72, 80, 83, 84, 95, 97; dominant in 
commune, 60, 81, 82, 113, 116; fa- 
vored by Trubleville, 74;loans from, 
loi ; riot at Bordeaux, 120 f. ; op- 
pressed by Montfort, 121, 122, 123; 
connection -with wine trade, 124- 
126; forced to pay ransom, 129; 
Henry restores right of appeal to, 
134; join Alfonsist revolt, 137; at- 
titude of Henry toward, 145 ; peace 
with the Colombines, 147 ; pardon 
of, 149. 

Soule, viscount of, 114, 117. 

Spain, X, 8, 10, 90, 128. 

Sturmin, Marcus, of St. Emilion, 6. 

Sycard, William, of Bordeaux, 99. 

Taillebourg, battle of, 88. 

Talemunt, Randolf de, 72. 

Tartas, viscount of, 8, 15, 114. 

Templars, 24, 25. 

Thouars, viscount of, deserts John, 
7; considered for post of seneschal, 
33 ; quarrel with La Rochelle, 35, 
36; sells himself to French, 41; 
towns' fear of, 42; miakes truce 
with French, 43 ; mandate of pope 
to, 52; loyal to French, 68. 

Toulouse, 21, 128. 

Toulouse, count of, 50, 89. 



178 



ENGLISH RULB IN GASCONY 



Tru'bleville, Henry de, seneschal of 
Gascony, 56; policy of, 57, 64; 
difficulties with Bayonne, 57, 58, 
59; revolt of Colombines, 60; in- 
crease in duty on wine, 62; dis- 
missed, 70; reaction against his 
policy, 71 ; debts of, in Gascony, 
72), 7S, 78; favors Solers,, 74; re- 
appointed seneschal, 75 ; policy 
foreshadowed, 76; quarrel with 
Colombines, yj, 79 f., 81 ; king 
promisses to repay loans to, 83 ; 
condition of Gascony under, 83; 
out of office and replaced, 84; quits 
office, 85 ; referred to,, 103, 106. 

Tuscanan, Arnold, of Bordeaux, 99. 

Ulcot, Philip d', seneschal of Gas- 
cony, 2,2„ 35- 

Vayres, Amauvin de, 114, 122. 

Vayreis, castle of, 137. 

Viele, P. A. de, of Bayonne, 105. 

Viele, Vitalus de, of Bayonne, 4. 

Viele, W. de, of Bayonne, 106. 



Viger, Boniface, of Bordeaux,, 63. 

Viger, Elias, of Bordeaux, grants 
and privileges to, 4, 6, 7; attests 
act of John, 15; dispute concern- 
ing Beggles, 40; loans to Truble- 
ville, 76, 82; receives farm of cus- 
toms of Bordeaux, 82; connection 
■with wine trade, 126. 

Viger, Elias, of St. fimilion, 82, see 
above. 

Viger, Peter, of Bordeaux, mayor of 
Bordeaux, 22 note 14, 40, 47, 50. 
96, 97; hostage for Solers, 121. 

Viger, Vigoros, of Bordeaux, 74, 81. 

Vigers, family in Bordeaux, 125, 126. 

Vivona, Hugh de, seneschal of Gas- 
cony, 35, 70; letter to king, 99; 
policy of, 71; difficulties of, 72, ysi 
king asks loan for, 73, 75 ; quits 
office, 75; king orders castle sur- 
rendered to, 77, 81. 

William IX, duke of Aquitaine, 2. 

William^ Raymond, 76. 



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